Khamachuk: Media eina Mirin

by: A Blessing Muinao

Media hina fourth pillar sada aja okathuili pangshap khalei pakra akha ngasadalei. Media field hila ayur kachungkha leidalei kala aruihon smartphone eina internet access leihaokida mi kachungkhanala explore sakapaiya area akhana kala sapapamdalei media platforms kachungali. Journalism, Mass communication kala Visual Communicationwui background makhaleiya chila writing skill kala content create sakathei leihaiakha manga kakhui leikapdalei. Kala hili interest khalei kachungana hangkahaiya course degree mathada kupsanglaga campus placement, internships kala start-up salaga professional salak eina ot sazatdalei. Hiwui field hili apong ngateida ichichawui interest athisurda specialise sangarokdalei chiya news reporting, news editing (print journalism), photography, film-making, graphic designing, public relations, broadcast journalism (radio/TV), Content writing (online digital platforms), advertising agency, news agency, academic (teaching/research), mobile journalism (mojo), Social media communication, blogging, audio/sound production, event management kala Visual communicationli specialise kasabingna technical aspect Audio/Visual Arts, animation etc li rinda saya. Langmeida aruihon corporate communication kala public relations hina social responsibility khuikhavai akap akha sada organisation kachungkhali sichindalei.

Opportunities (sakhavai) kachungkha leidalei kala hi katamhi amanla sakpapamma specialisation athisurda (akap-akai sichinhaokida – softwares & hardwares). Journalism hi mataimeithuida yaruiwuivang otram khangatha ngasahaokida hiya service-oriented na kala income ungkazangla yangakha phalakka da khuiya. Aruihon lockdown atam hili Media outlets sustain masakharar kachungana financial support vathaokida employees layoff/furlough (khuishok/katat kahai/suspend sakahai) kachungkhala shokpapamdalei.

Ithumwui apamli media organisations hila mathada manganingkhuiranga dala hangaiya. Hiwui maram kachungkhala leisara, apamwui kasak-kapai kala shorkar eina ashangvawui sharuk kakhuila zanga. Teomameida rarsang-reisang mamandalei. Thuikahai atamli kala aruihonla journalists kala news orgnisationsli khamachitla theihaira kala langmeida infrastructure, capital, technology facility kala skilled professionals khavat einala hapkakhano leikapra. Universities kala colleges lila hiwui subject katam kala professional salak eina ot sadakhleila chungsang mamaanhaira. Hi tamkhui kahai kachunganala venture sada ichachawui portfolio mathada semkhuida organisation khamathalila ot sadalei kala kaikhana ichichawui company/organisationli sangarokdalei. Hiwui ngachaili Ishi tangkhulnaola zangkapdalei.

Media – fourth estate, watchdog, whistleblower dala kathei hiya – democratic environment wui kashok kazang check and balances mashun chili khamashung athisurda objective salak eina chitheimida dialogue kasa hina khamataiya principle akhana. Yaruili service khami kala mataimeithuida chotchangdakhalei mavashungkharar bingwuivangna. Lakhashong yangakha katei entertainment, publicity, promotion, events, etc kasa hila business perspective eina zatdalei. Chithada sada ichachawui principle/sakhangai/phabkata athisurda ot kasa ayurbinghi kapangkhuira – sepa kasa/business commercial profits perspective model eina khamachuk.

Sustainable economy semsa chihaiakha phungdakhlei shorkar (all levels), ashangva, tamkhuikahai media professionals kala mi kachivawui khangachon ningkasang phabtakhami darkar saya. Financial support kala sustainable management model leikhangarok grassroot level eina tangda vakashung hi darkar sahaira. Statewui capital eina district headquarters mangli maningla kha tangkhul ram kachivali vashungshapkhavai ngarankhami hi leikhavai ningrin kasa. Ram kanshokda kashok kazangwui chanpao mi kachivali samphangshapkhavai channel semkhami darkar sahaira. Khamashunga information samkaphanghina reikasang khuirara. Hikatha channel semkhami eina employment opportunities kachungkhala samphangra. Kha skill leida platform maleiakha stagnant sakahai or suitakahai leikappa.

Shimshongla sakapai apong kachungkha leisara. Azingli teomeikha kachithei hi machukngarumsa kala hili sakathei leisaakha ithum explore sangarumlaksa.

Areas bing:

Print media (Newspapers, Magazine etc – Reporting, editing, layout designing and printing etc), Broadcast (Radio kala TV – anchoring, scriptwriting, reporting, editing), Graphic designing (Banners, invites, brochures, greeting cards, presentations etc), Film Industry (Direction, production, studio related technical areas, cinematography, scriptwriting, music and background scores, promotion, editing, animation, theatre etc), Event Management (Live events, concert, exhibitions, seminars, workshops, Conferences etc), Public Relations (PSUs kala Private sector lila sangarokserdalei, institutions kachida ara PRO leingarokserdalei), Software knowledge khaleibingna kachungkha venture sangarokdalei aruihonva: website designing, graphic designingli ningkasang (sketching, drawing, cartooning sakathei), audio/video production – common salak kahai softwares bingna Photoshop, InDesign, illustrator, Dreamweaver, CorelDRAW, Adobe Audition/Cubase/Logic Pro, Adobe Premier Pro etc hibinghi einala studio katha sholaga self-sustain sangarokdalei. Photographyla chipapamma – project tarakha sangarokdalei events ngatateidawui – eg: wedding, concerts, exhibition, advertisements, fashion etc kala khararchan kapikatheibingna lairik la kapishokda ngayaodalei apam kachungali (fiction/non-fiction: eg tangkhulwui literature khavathi hikatha kapikashok eina kachungkha awor thangkhamei mataisangra). Kala kaikhana academic shongla zatpapamdalei. Journalism/Communication tamkhuikahaibingna Colleges/Universitiesli Professors sangarokdalei kala PhD Scholars sada research areas la opportunities khamathatha leipapamma scholarship samphangmamanda. Langmeida central governmentwui otpamla exam thalaga sangarokdalei (Refer Ministry of information and Broadcasting website).

Kaikhana ot ngateida salala atamwui lungli lairik kakapi kala khararchan kahanghi ningsanghaokida Independent salak eina freelancer akha sadala sangarokdalei – Stateli, townli kala ramli kashok kazang khamashung eina kapishokta media outletsli aman khuilaga chihoshokdalei kala blog (eg: Medium) la semngarokda archive sadalei. Hila pailak eina sapaiya, ara online eina chihongarokhaokida kala hi media outlets globally freelance reports ningkasangla leikapdalei. Atungli hangkahai thada, smartphone eina internet leingarokhaoda aruihonva citizen journalism/mobile journalism (mojo) la sangarokserdalei. Hikathahila opportunities phapaiya, portfolio kasem atam zanglala kha kachikatha content ngayaoshokdalei kachiwui quality yangphalungra – eg. social media platformsli kachungkha sangarokdalei – hikathahila collaborate sangarokda khamatha channel akha ngasapai yaruiwuivang. Kha mamalai ngasak khangai akhava ethical standard khalei kala media laws and ethics wui maramli kathei darkar saya. Hina chihoshokdakhlei content chiwui legality justice samira kala hi thuklak eina kathei khamataiya na – eg – privacy, copyrights, defamation, sedition, cyber laws etc kala media related Acts tarakha leidalei.

Khanaoli, opportunitiesva kachungkha leiya, ithumwui wui hotkhana ningkasang kala resource sichinkathei kala mashungda sakhuikatheili khaleina. Hili akap-akai sichinkikachi areasbingva amanla zangra kha investment kasava machukajaklaga mathada phabkata eina khalei sakathei athisurda sangarokra. Mahaimeirano kala reikasang ngasarano.

Disclaimer: The Arek do not claim ownership of this article. This article is written by A Blessing Muinao, Assistant Professor, Department of Journalism, Madras Christian College, Chennai, blinkmeyah@gmail.com, blessingmuinao@mcc.edu.in.

To cite this article: Muinao,T.A. (2020). Covid-19 Khamachuk: Media eina Mirin. Antalagí Ideón [Sharing Ideas for a Better Tommorow], 1(1) , 55-57.

Collection of Nagas Materials from the Pitt Rivers Museum’s, University of Oxford: R. G. Woodthorpe

Cabinet card portrait of Colonel Robert Gosset Woodthorpe, standing, dressed in military uniform of the Corpes of the Royal Engineers. Photograph by the P.A. Johnston and Theodore Julius Hoffmann studio (Calcutta), labelled ‘Johnston [and] Hoffmann’. Calcutta Bengal (now in West Bengal) India Circa 1891 (Copyright Pitt River Musuem University of Oxford Accession Number: 1998.271.33)
View of an unidentified Naga settlement on a hillside. Photographer unknown. Naga Hills District of Assam (now in Nagaland), India (1873-1872. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of OXford. Accession Number: 1914.5.2.62)

‘Konyak Nagas’ (handwritten caption). Group portrait of three Konyak Naga men, pictured standing, each holding a shield and a weapon (spear or dao). Photographer uknown. Naga Hills District of Assam (now in Nagaland), India. 1873-1874. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of OXford. Accession Number:1914.5.3.6)
‘Tangkhul Nagas’ (handwritten caption). Group portrait of Tangkhul Naga men, standing and sitting, pictured in front of a building. Photographer unknown. Naga Hills District of Assam (now in Manipur). India. 1873-1874. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of OXford. Accession Number: 1914.5.3.7)

‘Naga arms’ (handwritten caption). An assortment of Naga objects, comprising mainly different types of weapon (including spears and daos), arranged as a display to be photographed outside, in front of a hanging textile. Photographer unknown. Naga Hills District of Assam (now in Nagaland), India. 1873–1874. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Accession Number: 1914.5.3.28)
Page from one of Robert Gosset Woodthorpe’s diaries, titled ‘Naga Hills, 1876’, which contains drawings by him in the margin: ‘The clothes are generally plain white – a few blue & shepherd[’s] plaid have found their way in from the plains or neighbouring villages. Men in these villages tattoo on the chest after taking a head. A new form of tattoo is shewn in the margin’. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Woodthorpe Papers, Item 2: ‘Naga Hills, 1876’, p.32.)
‘Angami Naga’ (handwritten caption). Portrait of an Angami Naga man named ‘Dotsoll’, depicted standing, holding two spears and a shield. Watercolour painting by Robert Gosset Woodthorpe. The original handwritten annotation by Woodthorpe indicates that the portrait was painted from life, near the Zullo (Dzulu) river, in the Naga Hills District of Assam (now in Nagaland), India. Dated 19 April 1874. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Accession Number: 1914.5.2.83)
‘Submission of Naga Chiefs’ (handwritten caption or title). This original painting, from which various copies derive, shows at its centre Captain John Butler, the British administrator in charge of the Naga Hills District, while also portrayed (standing beside the camera) are Dr Robert Brown, the Political Agent in Manipur, and the artist himself, holding a sketchpad. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Accession Number: 1910.45.19)
Hand-coloured reproduction photograph of an original (monochrome) watercolour painting by Robert Gosset Woodthorpe. The photograph is dated ‘1874’ and annotated in pencil below the print: ‘Coloured by Capt. Woodthorpe R[.]E.’ (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Accession Number: 1910.45.18)
‘Angami of Kigwema’ (handwritten caption). Portrait of an Angami Naga man named ‘Kasakre’, depicted walking, holding two spears and a shield. Watercolour painting by Robert Gosset Woodthorpe. The original handwritten annotation by Woodthorpe indicates that the portrait was painted from life, in the village of Piphema, in the Naga Hills District of Assam (now in Nagaland), India. Dated 7 December 1873. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Accession Number: 1914.5.2.29)
‘Phemi – wife of Soibang’ (handwritten caption). Portrait of a Konyak Naga woman named Phemi, the wife of Soibang, chief of Chopnu in the Naga Hills District of Assam (now in Nagaland), India. Ink drawing by Robert Gosset Woodthorpe. 1875. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Accession Number: 1910.45.5.6)
‘Soibang, Vangam of Chopnu (Bor Mutan)’ (handwritten caption). Portrait of a Konyak Naga man named Soibang, the chief or headman (vangam) of the village of Chopnu (Bor Mutan) in the Naga Hills District of Assam (now in Nagaland), India. Ink drawing by Robert Gosset Woodthorpe. Dated 1875. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Accession Number: 1910.45.5.4)
‘Gateway. Dekha Haimung’ (handwritten caption). Entrance gate to the Ao Naga village of Dekha Haimong, in the Naga Hills District of Assam (now in Nagaland), India. Ink drawing by Robert Gosset Woodthorpe. Dated 1875. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Accession Number: 1910.45.4.3)
‘Lhota Naga Village and Golgotha’ (published caption). Page of the author’s drawings reproduced in an article by R. G. Woodthorpe, ‘Notes on the Wild Tribes Inhabiting the So-Called Naga Hills, on Our North-East Frontier of India’ (part 2), The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 11 (1882), plate 18, figures 1 and 2.
Sumi (Sema) Naga wooden tail: ‘Wooden tail decorated with black & red-dyed hair & coix-seeds, worn by warriors’ (handwritten caption on catalogue index card). Collected by Robert Gosset Woodthorpe; donated to the Pitt Rivers Museum by Edward Thomas Wilson, May 1909. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Accession Number: 1909.21.43)
Angami Naga neck and breast ornament: ‘Ornament for neck & breast of hair[,] cowries & coix seeds: a sign of conspicuous bravery’ (handwritten caption on catalogue index card). Collected by Robert Gosset Woodthorpe; donated to the Pitt Rivers Museum by Edward Thomas Wilson, May 1909. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Accession Number: 1909.21.26)object from pitt rivers museum. P.Grover
Catalogue index card for an Angami Naga neck and breast ornament: ‘Ornament for neck & breast of hair[,] cowries & coix seeds: a sign of conspicuous bravery.’ (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. Accession Number: 1909.21.26)
‘Surveying the Nagas: Visual Representations of India’s Northern Hill-Tribes in the R. G. Woodthorpe Collection’, Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford, 12 November 2018 to 19 May 2019. (Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford)

Disclaimer: The Arek do not claim ownership of this exhibition images. This is originally published at the Pitt River Museum Museum, University of Oxford, 12 November 2019 to 19 May 2019, under theme ‘Surveying the Nagas Visual Representations of India’s Northern Hill-Tribes in the R. G. Woodthorpe Collection’ by Thomas Simpson.  Click here to access original post.

To read full manuscript collection by Thomas Simpson, University of Cambridge, 7 January 2019 . Click Here.

Khi Phaningkhui Ngasak Mimao (Covid-19) Atamli Church Makāla Khalei hi, Ngayila?

by Themshang Horam

Church Makāla Khalei Hi Ngayila?

Aruihon ithumwui ramli Sunday thang church makāla khalei hi ngachāla? Biblena mayāla? Church makāla Vareshi sapaila? Hi ithumwui shitkasang khangazan kajitheila? Aja okthot hili mimao (Covid-19) kharā hina maram sāda okathui apam kachungkhali Vareshila zangda khorum khavai shim (mosques, temples, churches, cathedral…) shung ngarokser haira. Imaram Tangkhul kaphunglila kazāt hi maman khavai ningkhangashar sāda ithumwui churchla kachungava shunghaira. Chiwuivang ithum Sunday kachida kaziplaga seihā sākhangarum hi masamphangthura. Hiwuivang mi kachungkhana mamayā khangai tarākhala phongshok papamhaira, hi lākhashong eina hāngsa jiakha Tangkhulnaobing hi manglārinli kakahao kala Church kākhangai misera kaji shankhui ngasaka.

Church Kashung (close) hi Biblical Sāla?

Khare sāda, atam kashakhawuivang kayāng mashokla ichi-chawui shimli pamlaga Vareli seihā sākapam hi Biblena mayāya. Egypt ngaleili Varena Egyptnaobingwui naochizaiwui tungli mimao tāshung khangasak (Plague on the Firstborn) chitharan Israelnao khipālikha kayāng mashok ngasakmana (Exo. 11:1-10). (Also c.f. Isaiah’s apocalypse, Chapters 24-27; especially, 26:20-21).

Kakhaneli, kazāt hi maman khavai Tangkhul Longnao kala Governmentnala yarui kazip hi masāmi khavai chizami kahai lei. Vareshi akha sāda ithumna chili khayāshiphalungra khiwuivang khala jiakha Paulna shorkar kala ramungabingwui kahāng nganāda athumli katom khavai ithumli tamjitheihai (Rom. 13:1-7; 1 Pet. 2:13-14; Ti. 3:1-2).

Kakathumali, Sunday thang church makakāwui khamataiya kharinva “kazāt” (Covid-19) hi khipakhali maman khavaiwuivang māngmaya. Governmentna kala Longnaobingna kakhāmwuivang church makakā maningmana. Churchwui kakahao kala kharinva mipha (member) saikora Jishuwui mangā eina ‘shalom’ mirin kharing samkaphang hina. Shalom kaji hi ningla, phasāla kala manglārinla mathānlak eina kharing hili kahāngna. Sunday thang Church kālaga kazāt mankhui maronhaida kachikatha avānao akhawui shimkhurli kathi-kasar, kakhanang-kachot kala sikafa samphang ngasakhaiakha hina church khaleiwui kharin sāza ngasaka.

Khamateli, achālagawui Vareshibing, New Testament wui atamli church building maleiranglaga aja ithumna sāda khalei thada shim-shimli kaziplaga Vareli khorum sāya. Shimkhur kachida Vareli hamkasangwui atheiva okathui achikun vāpeida Varewui paokhamatha hi ngayaovāya. Zurthing, raikhai, sā-kazāt kala kathi-kasārnala mahaprarmana. Chiwuivang eina, church makāpaila khalei hi Varena kaphā khuirākhaminada khuilaga ithum katonga ichichawui shimli Vareli khorumphalungra.

Church Makāla Vareshi Sāpaila?

Hebrews 10:25li ithum kaziprumchingda akha eina akha kasatsang ngarokta shitkasang mataisang khavai hāngmathinhai. Kala Romans 12:5; 1 Corinthians 12:12-27; Ephesians 3:6; 4:15-16; 5:23; Colossians 1:18,24 li Church hi Khristawui asāna chiwuivang eina phasā akai ithum hi ngasun (kazip) khangarok hi maleiakha maringpaimana kaji kapihaiya. Chiwuivang eina Vareshina jiakha kaziprumlaga Vareli ashang akha sāda khorum khangarum hi makhalei masāpaimana. Church makakā masāpaimana. Kha atam-atamwui kasak athishurda kazip khangarum hi masāpaisālala kathākwui lungli kaziprumlaga khorumpai khavai khamatha atam chi khuirami khavai ithum seihā sāra.

Otshot (Covid19) Hina Ithumli Khi Phaningkhui Ngasak?

Shenglak eina hāngsa jiakha, aruihon church makāpaila khalei hi ithumwuivang Varena khamatha apong khuirākhamina, chiya:

  1. Sunday kachida church kāzatta kha nawui manglārin hi kachishong zatlakli khala kaji phaningkhui khavai atam ngasāya. Yaruili tuntun-shangshangda otram ngathazatlaga nawui manglarinwui phasa (health) kathalakli kaji hi majukhui khavai sāsa.

  2. Nashi/nawui shimkhur seihā sākhangarum (family worship/devotion) makhalei hi ajawui eina leikhui khavai khamatha aponglāka.

  3. Ichichawui shimli Vareshi katongana seihā kasā tharan, achalaga Vareshi haophoktha-tar atamwui thada ithumwui manglārinlila khamathuk rāshungda ithumwui Vareshi kasā kashungmei ngasakra.

  4. Hikatha kazāt kharā eina ithumli Vareli nganai ngasakta mirin hi ali chihamlaga okthui khavai phaningung ngasaka.

  5. Mikumo ithum theithangmei kazingram kāshunghaida tuimatui-otsakli Vare makhalei thada ringkahai thot hili ithumli Vare leiya kala a mazangkha ithum khikha mathukmana kaji phaningkhui ngasaka.

  6. Otshot hina Vareshi akha sāda ithumwui ningkahak, miwuivang phaningkhami kala ngachon khangarokwui aponglila phaningkhui ngasaka. Mili khangachon kaji hi Khristana awui thi kashurabingli sāngasakngaimeithui kaji otsak akhana. Hikatha kasak atamli mili ngachonki kaji hi kapai ot maningmana kha Khristali kashura mi akha sāda kasak-kapai chili khāngkhui khavai sāphalungra.

Atam Hili Manglarin Kathada Rarsang Ngasaksi?

Sunday thang church makāthuwada mi kachungkhana Tangkhulnao bingwui manglarin suitāhaora kaji kakhanang mi leiya. Kha Sunday thang church kashunghi (closed) nawui seihā kasā kala Bible kapā shungkakham maningmana. Church makathuwada seihāla masāmara kala Biblela mapāmara kaji hi khanganuiya Vareshiwui otsakna. Church makālala na khalatta kala nawui shimkhur Bible pālaga atam kachida seihā sārumching paiya.

  1. Thotwui reikasangwui athishurda akap-akai(technology) hiwui khangachonla khuilaga WhatsAppli, Facebookli Group Bible Study sapaiya.
  2. Youtube, TV (God Channel) kathāli kathemabingwui sermon/lecture nganāpaiya.

  3. Nawui Pastor lah Mission Worker nana katheibingli phone sālaga nawuivang, nawui shimkhurwuivang seihā sāmi ngasakpaiya.

  4. Mathahailakla seihā sāchinglu, Bible pāchinglu kala nawui shimkhur seihā sākharum mangasāmhailu.

Kakup (Conclusion)

Tangkhul Vareshi hi manganuilui mana. Anu (milk) manglaga kharing atam maninglui mana kha zāt zālaga kharing atamna. Nganuilaga ava-avāna phākhaui (feeding) chithada aruila phāuichinglu kaji chi ithum machihānluiasa. Aruihon atam makhamathawui athishurda hunakhawuivang nawui manglarinwui kashak-kazā chi churchli mazākhuipailala nakhalatta ringthei khavai hotnāhalungra.  Varena somiranu!

Disclaimer: The Arek do not claim ownership of this article. You will find this article in author Facebook page entitled: Church Makāla Khalei Hi Ngayila? A Short Theological-Ethical Reflection. The Arek Team change the title for the purpose of it’s esteem readers.

Click here to contact Themsang Horam, Education Secretary Tangkhul Baptist Church Association.

Mining Without Consent: Chromite Mining in Manipur

by: Frank Varah

The recent identification of chromite deposits in two districts of Manipur, Ukhrul and Chandel, has led the government to grant mining clearances disregarding constitutional provisions. While environmental degradation and tribal displacement due to chromite mining in Odisha is well documented, the administration is yet to learn from Odisha’s mistakes. 

Chromite is a versatile element that is used in metallurgical, refractory, chemical and non-ferrous alloy industries. Owing to its multiple uses, chromite is a valuable and strategic raw material. Most of the chromite resources in the world are located in South Africa, that contributes to more than 50% of the world-trade in chromite (Pariser: 2013), and Kazakhstan. In India, more than 93% of chromite deposits are located in Odisha, mainly in the Sukinda valley in Cuttack and Jajpur districts (IBM: 2012).

The world production of chromite increased from 23.5 million tonnes in 2009 to 30 million tonnes in 2010 (IBM: 2012). The production of chromite from Indian mines registered a 24% increase in 2010-11 compared to 2009-10 (IBM: 2012). India accounts for 17% of the world production of chromite, making it a significant exporter of the mineral (USGS: 2011).

The Indian Bureau of Mines 2013 report indicated that Manipur has 6.66 MT (3% of total chromite reserves in India) chromite resources of ophiolite belt in Ukhrul (5.5 MT) and Chandel (1.1 MT) districts (IBM: 2013). Chromite deposits have been found in the villages of Phangrei, Shirui, Lunghar, Chingai, Kalhang Khunou, Poi, Halang, Pushing, Shingcha, Gamnom, Yantem, Hangkao, Apong, Ningthi, Pihang, Chattrick Khunou, Nambisha and Kangpat in Ukhrul District and Kwatha, Sibong, Khulangthabi and Minou-Mangkang villages in Chandel District.

The ore found here is high grade with Cr2O3 (chromium oxide) content varying from 44% to 59% (GSI: 2011). The chromite bearing areas in the two districts have flat topped low hills   and rolling grasslands intersected by rivers. The forest cover of the two districts, based on satellite image, is 81.74% of geographical areas measured in square kilometres (FSI: 2011).

Violation of Procedures

The government of India, through the Indian Bureau of Mines and the Ministry of Mines, granted mining leases and licenses to private companies during 2007-2012 in the ophiolite belt of Ukhrul and Chandel districts of Manipur (Fig:1). The provisions of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between the government of Manipur and the lessees include transfer of huge amount of land, raw materials, water and the right to mine.

However, the agreement between the Manipur government and the lessees was reportedly signed without informing the people of the land. No proper environmental impact assessment (EIA) was conducted either. Various civil society groups and local people raised objections against the state government for not seeking prior consent from the people.

In India, sanctions for chromite mining depend on both the central and state governments.  A clear set of rules for obtaining environmental clearances for industrial and infrastructure related projects is prescribed by the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) Notification, 1994 issued by the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF). The MoEF  is mandated  to carry out an appraisal, scoping and screening of projects, conduct public consultations with  local communities affected by projects and  prepare a report. This is to ensure that  mining projects that are ecologically destructive are not permitted. Further these assessments are supposed to identify “no go” areas, factoring effective forest and wildlife acts for protection of biodiversity as well as laws regulating mine closure and mine restoration. The Ministry is also supposed to conduct post-project monitoring.

Coercing the Tribals

The Indian Constitution recognises that tribal lands and forests must be given special protection. The Forest Rights Act, 2006, empowers tribal and forest dwelling communities to play a decisive role in the management of natural resources. In addition to this, the Constitution also appends that land under the fifth and sixth schedules of the constitution cannot be alienated to non-tribals or industries. Despite these enabling provisions in the constitution and the Forest Rights Act, 2006, the rights of the tribals are being undermined by the Manipur state government in order to pave way for the mining industry.

The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council (Third Amendment) Act, 2008 enacted by the Manipur legislative assembly is partially responsible for this as it discourages the idea of collective land ownership practised by tribals.  It takes away land ownership rights from the village chiefs and empowers the members of the Autonomous District Councils to “allot, occupy, use and alienate land” without consulting the local tribal community. Through the provisions of this Act the state government seeks to take control over the tribal land and forests in clear infringement of tribal rights.

Moreover, it appears that the government of India assumes that all minerals found underground are state property. Ownership of the land is irrelevant, and the owner of the land earmarked for mining is not even granted preference in the grant of mining leases. The Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957, provides detailed procedures for a company or individual to obtain permission to search for minerals and to mine them. All power to grant permission rests with the state government, though central government approval is required as well. With such authority vested in it, the government of Manipur has acquired the lands and resources of the tribals without their consent.

However there are several judgments by the Supreme Court which have ruled against such indiscretion of the state.  In the recent case of State of Kerela vs Jenmis (Land owners of Kerala) 2013, the Supreme Court ruled that the ownership of minerals should be vested with the owner of the land and not with the government. The three-judge bench headed by Justice R M Lodha noted that “there is no law in the country which declares that state is the owner of sub-soil or mineral wealth”. Referring to various acts regulating extraction of underground natural resources, the bench said that nowhere do the laws declare the proprietary right of the state. It ruled that the assertion of government to collect duty or tax is in the realm of its sovereign authority, but that does not extend it a proprietary right. The court rejected the argument that individual owners cannot claim any proprietary right on the sub-soil resources as section 425 of the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957 prohibits carrying out of any mining activity in this country except in accordance with a permit, license or mining lease.

False Promises

In areas where industries or mining operations are to be set up, the government often acquires land from the local community by promising them social and economic development of the area along with employment opportunities. But employment trends (in terms of employment) in India show a declining rate of employment despite an increase in industrial and  mining activities in  the country. This can be somewhat attributed to the use of modern technology which  has rapidly reduced the labour requirement per unit of output. In case of mining, the beneficiaries are largely  non-local mining experts. Skilled workers such as engineers, technicians, explorer, managers, etc. are usually  outsiders. Other than providing manual labour, there is very little opportunity for the local population to find work in  mining companies.  The extracted ore is usually processed outside the mining belt, further reducing job opportunities for the locals. Transportation of raw materials etc. is usually undertaken by outsiders as the locals do not possess the infrastructure to cater to the transport requirements of the mining industry

Health Hazards

Many studies have shown the environmental degradation and health hazards caused by chromite mining. The heavy metal contamination of agricultural soil, plants and water around chromite mining areas in Vietnam (Kien et al.,:2010), Zimbabwe (Maponga and Ruzive: 2002), China (Ma and Garbers:2006) and Pakistan (Kfayatullah et al.:2001) is well documented. Hexavalent chromium or Chromium–IV, one of the most toxic forms of chromium, is produced during smelting of chromite ore. The adverse effects of Hexavalent chromium contaminated water became known in the 1960s in Hinkley, a town in California. It caused an array of health problems such as skin rashes, ulcers, respiratory problems, lung cancer, weakened immune system, alteration of genetic material, kidney, liver damage and more (Fryzek et al.: 2001).

In India, different studies have shown the environmental havoc and sicknesss caused by chromite mining in Odisha (Dubey, et al.: 2001; Das and Singh: 2011), Karnataka (Krishna, et al.: 2012) Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra, (Rao, et al.: 2011). The case of Sukinda valley in Odisha may be of interest here. The ore deposits are exploited in this belt using open cast mining methods, and majority of these mines are located upstream of the Damasala Nala catchment areas. Seepage takes place from the mines  situated on the bank of Damasala Nala, contaminating the water with heavy metals such as Hexavalent chromium. (IBM: 2013; Dubey et al.: 2001).

The 1995 survey data report from the Odisha Voluntary Health Association (OVHA) showed that more than 85% of deaths in the mining areas, and 86% of deaths in the nearby industrial villages occurred due to diseases caused by  polluting activities of the mines in the region. The survey report also revealed that villages within 1 km of the sites were the worst affected, with more than 25% of the inhabitants suffering from pollution-induced diseases (Pal: 2010). However, there has been virtually no attempt to clean up this contamination in spite of the local organisations protesting against the mining activities. The Sukinda valley in Odisha is among the top ten of the world’s 30 most polluted places (Rao, et al.: 2001; Dhal, et al.: 2013).

A similar tale of environmental destruction and degradation looms large over the mines in Manipur. The chromites are located in the densely forested regions inhabited by the tribal people. Mining will not only result in deforestation and destruction of biodiversity but most importantly, the exhaustion of such non-renewable resources. The extraction and dumping of rock on the surface in the mining process will adversely affect livelihood of tribal communities. This will also alter the stability of the rock components thereby affecting the quality of water, soil and air in the area. Since  chromite mining will employ the open cast method, it will eliminate existing vegetation, destroy the genetic soil profile, displace or destroy wildlife habitats, alter current land uses, and to some extent permanently change the general topography of the area. Mining will disrupt resources upon which people depend on for their subsistence and also generate discontent among people that shall act as an agent for further conflict.

The districts are also a part of a region known for receiving heavy rainfall throughout the year, making the land more vulnerable to contamination by chromite mine run-offs. In these districts, chromite deposits are largely found below the slanting ridges of the unending hills where hundreds of rivulets flow, providing drinking water to the people. For instance, streams emanating from Shirui Kashong that serves as the main source of water for the neighbouring villages will get highly polluted if chromite is mined in Phangrei. Further this will affect rivers such as Rangazak and Challou, the lifeline of the neighbouring villages cultivating rice.  Mining of chromite at Shingcha, Maku, Ningthi, Chingai, Halang and Kalhang Khunou will inevitably affect the pristine rivulets flowing through the region and joining  rivers such as Maklang, Tuyung, and Chammu in Ukhrul district affecting the soil in downstream  villages.

Conclusions

Development through chromite mining in Manipur is not an answer to its economic woes. Exploiting its  mineral resources does not necessarily provide solutions to the economic problems and other social issues. Mineral rich states like, Odisha, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand are afflicted by poverty, as the revenue generated from mining is not utilised for the welfare of the local people. Large-scale exploitation and economic depravation is one of the causes  which has given  rise to  Maoist insurgency,  involving  mostly tribal youths, in these regions. Inadequate access to legal means and lack of grievance redressal mechanisms  hamper the efforts of the  poor tribals to protect  themselves from exploitative policies of the state and the corporates.  The statutory rights and the constitutional protection given to the tribals are often lost in the pursuit of development. The case of chromite mining in Manipur  not only brings to the fore  the rights of tribals over their land but also the need for sustainable development.

Disclaimer: The Arek do not claim ownership of this article.

To cite this article: Varah,F. (2014). Mining Without Consent: Chromite Mining in Manipur. Economic & Political Weekly, 49 (25).

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Situating the Humans Relationship with Nature in the Tangkhul Naga’s Lifeworld

by Frank Varah

Abstract

The Tangkhul Nagas are intricately bound to nature in their social, cultural, economic, ethical and religious values. The dynamics of Tangkhul’s livelihood activities in many ways reflect the complexities of the human and nature relationship. Interactions between human and nature have undergone significant changes during the last century which leaves unwarranted impact on its natural environment. Today increasing scarcity of natural resources is serious in Tangkhul Naga society. Besides other than population pressures, technological intrusion and developmental activities, the arrival of Christianity in the late 19th century proved ominous to the human and nature relations in the lifeworld of the Tangkhuls. The Colonial British introduced Christianity to the Tangkhul Nagas and used as a preliminary strategy to contain the hostile Tangkhuls from fierce rebellion against British dominions in the region. This paper attempts to present the symbiotic relationship of humans with nature in the antecedent lifeworld of the Tangkhuls while arguing for preserving its traditional knowledge system of nature conservation.

KEYWORDS: Tangkhul Naga, Indigenous, Human, Nature, Land, Plant, Animal, Lifeworld, Christianity and Modernisation

Introduction

The perceptions and attitudes of human towards nature have been constantly changing due to changes in societal ideologies, religions, breakthrough of scientific thinking and technological lifestyle. For ancient Greeks, nature was a master and to follow it was to stand in contrast to unnatural. Christian ideology brought in a counter partner in supernatural for the natural thus, lowering the value of natural. Scientific thinking broke the pattern of seeing supernatural in nature. The basis and legitimation of western scientific civilization may be still traced back to the story of creation in Bible which states that God gave man rights over nature. Modern worldview on the concept of nature can be said to be derived partly from the Classical period and partly from the rationalism of the enlightenment. Nature is perceived as an external, solid and harmonious entity, which man can manipulate as long as he is aware of and respects its covering laws. Following this ideology, development can be seen in term of increasing knowledge and control over nature. The basis for this view has, however, collapsed as nature is no longer seen as stable and man has lost his privileges in nature.

In 1967, historian Lynn White (1967) wrote a provocative and controversial essay “The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis” suggesting that present environmental problems emerged from a Judeo-Christian worldview of “domination” over non-human species. For example, the biblical expository of Genesis 1:28 (man’s dominion over creation) became an ethic of power and control over nature that replaced respect and protection. Further, White asserted that “By destroying pagan animism, Christianity made it possible to exploit nature in a mood of indifference to the feelings of natural objects”. White concludes that “Since the roots of our trouble are so largely religious, the remedy (to the environmental crisis) must also be essentially religious.” Many thinkers and scholars have accepted White’s basic argument and used it to call for a fundamental restructuring and rethinking of “ecological reformation” towards a faith that would remind us in a new way that we belong to the Earth and are a part of its systems. Primarily, the new movement harbors on the indigenous thought and belief in relation with their nature.

Many indigenous religions perceived the biological components of the environment and the human population as an integral part of nature system. Religions taught them to believe and act towards nature, indigenous religions governed not just by a principle of sustainability for survival’s sake, but by a moral sanc tion against waste or greed. Notably, the world’s major concentrations of biodiversity are in the areas inhabited by the indigenous peoples. Indigenous territories encompass not more than 22 percent of the world’s land surface but the areas hold about 80 percent of its biodiversity (WRI, IUCN, UNEP 1991). Biodiversity conservation of indigenous people is rooted in it’s cultural values, norms and belief systems. The classical mythology and the ecological worldviews of ancient societies such as those of Greek, Chinese, Egyptian, Indian, or Persian antiquity, advocates the notion of the path that must be taken to maintain the cosmic order on which human welfare depends. A few studies have also demonstrated that socio-religious institutions of several indigenous societies in India have number of cultural-religious mechanisms with important conservation consequences (Deb et al. 1997). During the last few decades, indigenous practice of nature has drawn ecological significance and the emphasis is to develop new ecological ethic based on indigenous knowledge. The indigenous peoples argue that the earth or the land (nature) is the source of every form of life and everything springs forth from the earth such as trees, rivers, flowers, fruits and so on. The pattern of human history and time was central on land and embedded in nature (Longchar 1995). In North America especially among the Red Indians, the relationship is not one-way; there is an explicit human-nature reciprocity in which animals have obligations to nourish humans in return for respect and other proper behavior (Trosper 1995). Native Americans saw themselves as a part of nature, not separate from it. They believed the animals were their brothers, the plants their sisters (Young 2007). As their philosophy of nature and human process stems directly from their worldview, it inevitably influences the way they think, perceive and act. There are moral norms and values that govern human behavior. Nature is the primary source of life that nourishes, supports and teaches the center of the universe. At the heart of this deep relationship lies the perception that all are intrinsically linked. As Leopold (1987) postulated in his celebrated work “land ethic”all living things have value. He insisted that this ethical relationship to land cannot “exist without love, respect, and admiration for land, and a high regard for its value.” To put it bluntly in his words, “a thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise”. Thus the value of a species does not reside in itself, but in its relations to the integrity, health, function, and persistence of the community of which it is a part. In recent times, these practices and traditions have become of great interest as a source of knowledge for sustainability of the environment. In view of the disastrous environmental impacts of contemporary conservation efforts, alternative practices and perspectives have been actively sought after. Janis Alcorn (1993) defined the indigenous societies of conservation as “respecting the nature,” “taking care of the nature,” or “doing thing right”. It means conservation is a philosophy of managing the environment in such a way that it does not despoil, exhaust, or extinguish it or the resources and values it contains. There is a need to develop appropriate methodology for environment conservation, particularly in the areas inhabited by indigenous peoples. The present paper attempts to explore certain aspects of the meaning of the traditional understanding of (and between) human and nature with respect to the Tangkhul Nagas, and the problems that arose out of the proselytization into Christianity.

TANGKHUL NAGAS

Tangkhul Naga tribe lives in the present north- eastern part of India and north-western part of Burma (Myanmar). Tangkhul inhabited mainly the Ukhrul district in Manipur covering an areas of 4544 sq kms with the population of 183,115 (2011 Census). Some Tangkhul villages are found in the adjoining Senapati, Thoubal and Chandel district in Manipur and sizable numbers of Tangkhuls are also found in the Somrah tract of Sagaing Division in Burma. Tangkhul region is gifted with rich biodiversity. The climatic condition varies from place to place due to the mountainous terrain. The climate is cold in the higher altitude, but it is moderate and pleasant in the lower altitude. The rainfall is generally high and normally begins from May till the end of October. The primary occupation of the people is jhum cultivation though some of them have adopted wet and terrace cultivation. Rice, millet and maize are the main crops. Weaving, hunting, fishing, making beard, necklace, wood carving, cane work and basket making are their subsistence occupations. The Tangkhuls live in villages and firmly uphold the doctrine that one never abandons “one’s village, home and clan”. The villages are generally thickly populated and are situated on the top of the hills. The village has been the highest political, social, economic and religious unit and the main source of spiritual, social and cultural bonding among the people. The hereditary village chief (Awunga) and his clan-based village council (Hangva) is the highest decision making body in the village hierarchy who take the responsibility of looking after the welfare of the villagers. All village festivals, social and religious functions begin with rites and sacrifices by the Awunga.

Until the arrival of modern education and institutions, their economic, social, cultural and religious activities revolved around nature and were closely intertwined with their livelihood and culture. Tangkhul Nagas lived by adapting to changes in their immediate environment. M Horam (1977) talks of how “the early tribal life centred round the soil, the ancestral fields, sowing and harvesting. Village feast were dictated by the agricultural calendar and the seasons. Most religious ceremonies and festivals are directly connected with the fields. Gods and spirits are placated so as not to bring blight and frost and to bless the village with good harvest.” Nature in this context has provided the Tangkhuls with a solid foundation for the formation of distinct ethno-cultural trait. Everything in nature has direct impact on them and plays pivotal role in contributing to their material, social and spiritual well-being and thus shapes their cultural community life. Therefore, nature is considered in Tangkhul as a fundamental element of their lifeworld. At a closer look, Tangkhul society actually experienced crises on several fronts. Horam (1977) remarks that “the present century has witnessed sudden and drastic changes, and these and the more gradual changes that are occurring daily, have caused the present age to be labelled an age of transition. There is no aspect of these people’s life which has not been touched by change. Whether we look at the Tangkhul Nagas economically, politically, socially or in the religious field, many transformation have taken place.” This transition from traditional to the modern way of life has not been a simple one. While the people fervently give up their antecedent religious belief in favour of Christianity, their relations to custom and cultural practices and their outlooks on the nature’s providence have also undergone changes. Christianity did not agree with most of the customs and traditions. The interaction between human and nature have been changing since the arrival of the Christian missionary in the Tangkhul Naga hills.

Meanwhile, drive for cash in the modern economy, desires for development and improved material living conditions has caused to exploit the rich resources in the land of Tangkhuls. Horam argues that “unaware of the value of their products and resources they gifted away all trade and business privileges to other communities.” Faced with these challenges, the Tangkhuls are struggling to maintain the human relationship with nature which was once a part of their cultural identity. The underlying purpose is to delineate the importance of Tangkhul’s traditional knowledge in conservation of biodiversity vis-à-vis human relation with the nature for sustainable development. The researcher believes understanding the past, while knowing the existing problems and prospects of the present will allow us in making an assessment of the challenges to be met in the future.

Nature Defines the Lifeworld of the Tangkhuls

To the Tangkhuls, Otsem is translated as “nature”. It refers to created persons or things such as lands, plants, animals, and humans, as well as the physical environment. However, the Tangkhuls believe land is the most important of all. They contend that land is the primary source of life that nourishes, supports, and teaches the way of life. For Tangkhuls, land is a sacred quality which symbolized identity, culture, traditions and spiritual values. Land is therefore, not only a productive source but also the center of life, the core of culture and the origin of ethnic identity. Like other indigenous people, Tangkhuls do not consider the land as merely economic resource. “If the land is lost, the family, clan, village and tribe’s identity, culture, traditions too is believed to be lost” (Longchar 1996). Land is held collectively and so is the preservation of land a collective responsibility. It is the land that owns people and gives them an identity. Traditional ownership of the land does not correspond to Western capitalist notions where the tract of land belonging to one principal person, but to all community. The land occupies a very central place in their understanding, as Shimray (2007) pointed out “the essential orientation in

Tangkhul Naga tradition is that one never abandons the concept of ‘my village, my home and my clan.’ Their tradition reinforces this concept of ethno-territorialism. The land on which they are born is their basic institution”. Therefore, in the Tangkhul Naga tradition, there is no concept of land ownership. Respect for land is embodied in the spiritual and social lives of the Tangkhuls. The land not only holds the clan and village together, but unites with their spirits ancestors and creation as one family. The whole village is intended to prosper, not just individuals. To own the land means sharing of its productivity and adhere to the authority of the village, and perhaps primarily, that person’s ancestor spirits.

In their tradition, land belongs to the Provider and the human ownership of land is for short-term. The Provider is understood to enter into the soil with the seeds and rise again along with the crop. Thus the blooming of flowers and rice signifies the presence of the provider. The whole creation is the manifestation of the Provider through land. Without land the Provider ceases to work. That land is the symbol of unity of all living creatures is reflected in their agricultural practices. When ploughing the land, the first stage is for production and generally a cereal crop is planted; the second stage is for renewal, so a leguminous crop is planted to recharge the soil; the third stage is for rest and the land is left fallow. It does not matter whether one has surplus land to leave fallow or not, but that part of the land is left to rest. Tangkhuls believe that land cannot be put to use more than what it can give. The same is applied to the rivers, mountains and other ecosystems; they are regarded as a sacred place to be approached with reverence and with an appreciation for what they were, rather than for what they served human being. In a nutshell, Tangkhuls and other indigenous people experience history and time as cyclical and rhythmic rather than linear and progressive. They move along with the soil cycle; it is centred on the soil (Longchar 1996). The people’s understanding is that the year comes and goes in an unending cycle. The Jhum felling season is sure to be followed by jhum burning and sowing season. Similarly, the festival season is sure to come in the end to give enough time for recreation and rejoicing. The last season of the year is not the end of a year, but it is the beginning of another cycle. This is how the people experience time in a circular way. The nature of living things was that they are not mere machines. Plants have basic importance and symbolic meanings in the life of Tangkhul Nagas. Without plants, people cannot make up their physical, cultural, spiritual and material needs. At the same time it should be noted that Tangkhuls use them for a variety of traditional knowledge related to plants. The usefulness of a plant is not always inherent to the plant itself. People try to understand the plants and find their usefulness through interaction with their biological cycle.

The use of a plant as ritual medicine depends not only on the physical features of the plant but also on the knowledge and skill of the practitioner who manages to interact with the plant and draw its hidden power from the plant. People depend for their livelihoods on plants and continuity of life provides man and animals with feelings of reliability and certainty. Tangkhul tradition also reflects some aspect for the conservation of animals. In fact, animals including domestic animals play an important role in formulation of knowledge. In many cases, animal have better instincts than humans. The Tangkhuls understand the animals’ behavior so as to understand the natural environment. During the rainy season, for instance, if ants come out of their hive to hunt, it implies that there would be no rain on that day. Further, animals are used as food, medicine, material culture and ritual. For instance, the animal skin/bone is used for wrist protectors, drum, ornaments, bow, flutes, and decorations. Animals bring joys and happiness to human, and various symbolical objectives. Some animals were regarded as sacred and allowed to be killed or eaten. Various Tangkhul customs dealt with how to treat insects, birds and animals. For instance, according to the Naga folk stories Nagas learnt the art of dancing from the hornbill and that is why the Nagas respect the hornbill to this day (Haksar 2001).

Some of the birds, insects and animal were prohibited to be eaten depending on the person’s social affiliation, social status, physical condition etc. Some restrictions are unchangeable for life, and some change through the life stage of the people. Thus people always haveto be careful to their personal attributes, kinship affiliation, social status, and sexes etc. before killing animals for food. For instance, the Keishing clan of the Tangkhuls cannot eat buffalo as they believed that they came from the same ancestor. If the priest chief eats food which is forbidden, the village may suffer a plague of boils, or of blindness. If a warrior eats food cooked by a woman before a raid, the whole enterprise will go wrong and all his companions are exposed to danger. Longchar (1996) points out that when the observances of taboo are neglected, the human community not only suffers but also animals and plants are affected. So, the strength of the restriction/taboo among the Tangkhul Nagas lies, therefore, in the indirectness and uncertainty of its sanctions. One of the main reasons is that animals are characterized as the same ancestral roots and therefore, they have a personal and social relationship. They have to be treated in a proper manner, or they will cause troubles and misfortune such as diseases and quarrels in the human world.

There are many accounts of folktales where animals interact with man, speaking, singing, crying, laughing, and dying just like human. Luikham (1983) pointed out one of the most popular folktales that taught the Tangkhuls the way of life goes like this: after Kasa Akhava (creator) had created all the creatures on the earth, the Kasa Akhava wanted his creatures to determine the duration of the day and night. So he eventually summoned all the creatures to find out their opinion. So for a long time, nobody spoke up and there was pin drop silence to what should be done. Finally a tiny- eyed Mole suggested that the duration of the day and night should be one year each. But many of the creatures opposed the Mole’s proposal but did not offer any concrete suggestion. Later on Chiklen (warbler-like bird) proposed that “let there be short intervals for rest and equally short interval for work”. The Kasa Akhava approved such a sound and wise proposition given by the Chiklen and chose him to foretell events of day and night. At the same time, he appointed the Harva (Cock) to determine the length of the day and night. The Kasa Akhava commanded the Cock, that when he became tired and could not work any longer, he should crow and sleep and that would determine the duration of the night.

In the same manner, the cock should wake up when his body had fully renewed strength and is ready to work, he should once again crow and that would be the duration of the day. Thus the Cock declared the rising of the sun and the setting of the sun by crowing “Ki….Kri…Ki” ushering in the day and the night. The cock crowing in the morning is a time to wake up and crowing at night is a time to go to bed. Since that day, the Tangkhuls claim that the world received light and darkness at regular and alternative intervals.

Even today because of the Moles’s proposal for the unworkable duration of the day and the night, the mole remains hidden underground eating only grass roots and if he ever comes out into the open he normally does not survive. He is eaten by either wild cats or hawks. The Tangkhul Nagas also listen to the chirping sound of Chiklen whenever they take out a journey outside their village boundary or even go for hunting. Chiklen chirping can either be a green signal or a red signal according to the direction of the chirping. The chirping on the right side is a good omen and the person can go ahead with the plan in strong faith of meeting success ahead. If it chirps from the left side, then it is a bad omen and one has to remain at home whatever be the situation. The villagers believe that those who do not pay heed to Chiklen warning chirps invariably meet misfortunes. According to other Naga folktales, a tiger, a spirit and a man were three brothers who came into existence through the incredible union between the already existing first woman and the clouds of the sky. As their mother grew older and thin, each tended her in turn. As day went by, the man suspected the tiger of keeping an eye to eat the mother when she dies. So the man and spirit sent the tiger to the field on the day their mother was to die. On his return the tiger did not see his mother, for they had buried her.

As their mother had died they dispersed in different directions in which man decided to work in the open air (village). The tiger went into the forest and the spirit to work in the dark. Thus it strongly suggests that both animals (tiger) and spirits share a special relationship with humankind. Interestingly they all had a common origin in one woman as brothers, so animals are seen not merely as some kind of lower form of life. So they share same ontological status as man since they were born of a common mother (Mao 2009; Kapai (2011). There are no boundaries between man and animals in the world of imagination and even in the real world. Mark Woodward’s (2000) study of the Nagas also shows that “Tigers and/or leopards are often believed to be lords of the jungle in the same sense that humans are lords of the village. They are also believed to have souls and can be understood as non-human persons.” People feel that animals are also a part of their generation living in the forest along with man at any time. Man dearly missed his brothers the tiger and the spirit whom he could no longer be with. Hence, he invented rituals and customs (in Naga culture) that would appease his brothers and bring them back to him. Thus, the Naga culture was born (Mao 2009).

The Tangkhul society, like any other indigenous people in world believes that lands, plants and animals have same ancestral roots and therefore, humans are integral part of creation and not above creation. Human beings, the animal and divinity form one family (Aleaz 2002). The concept of village as an ecosystem of the Tangkhuls, with all ramifications involving agriculture, animal husbandry and the domestic sector including the forest and related activities such as hunting and gathering of food, fodder, fuel wood and medicinal plant collection. It also includes forest linked traditional farming practices such as shifting agriculture and a variety of other complex agricultural system. Thus the traditional Tangkhul Nagas acts as a part of ecosystem boundaries. At the heart of this deep bond is the perception that all living and non-living things and natural and social worlds are intrinsically linked (reciprocity principle). The principle of dependence governs the lives of all creatures.

The integral relationship of Tangkhuls with nature can be traced not only through their verbal folktales or myths but is also evident from their lifestyle as witness. As humans are not the master, they make use of nature with other creatures and operate within the biodiversity. They depend upon nature for every activity. The land produces a good harvest because it is fertile, and also it gets enough rain. If there is no forest land, it cannot retain its fertility, neither there will be enough rain for the plants to grow. So the Tangkhul don’t look to prove his superiority but to satisfy hunger not an object to be used, to be controlled or exploited, but as a living entity, an object of respect. When the peoples meet their immediate needs they take time off to dance, rituals, ceremonials, festivals, and sing to thanks the creators. The whole understanding of Tangkhul societal, ethics, economic life is related to their nature, which is based on sharing, caring and responsible stewardship. Hence, this centrality of the nature for understanding the reality cannot be ignored if Christian theology is to make sense and be meaningful in the tribal context (Longchar 1996).

HUMAN AS THE MASTER OVER NATURE: IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY

Prior to the colonial encounters, Nagas had limited contact with the outside world beyond their own villages (Woodward 2000). Although the British had set foot on the Naga nation as early as in 1832, their imperialistic ambition made headway only after the Christian missionaries had won the hearts of the Nagas through the gospel of Christ. E.N. Clark, an American Baptist missionary, was the first Christian priest known to have proselytized large numbers of Nagas in 1872 in Ao region, while William Pettigrew, a Scottish missionary, preached among the Tangkhuls from 1896. Tangkhuls seem to have accepted new religion, that is, Christianity without much opposition. By embracing Christian ways of life, they gave up certain traditional ideas, beliefs and practices.

The most decisive blow to the fabric of the man and nature was when the Christianity began to win converts quite rapidly. Acceptance of the new religion demanded total abandonment of the old ways. A way of life, which had sustained and nurtured generations suddenly became taboo. Christian missionaries attached all the activities of the Tangkhuls regardless of whether these activities had their origin and connected with religion or not became taboo. Food and dress code too had to undergo changes according to the new ways. Thus Horam (1975) pointed out, Christian missionaries banned “the entire culture of the hills with its rich traditions of songs and energetic dances died in one mighty sweep. With this the color and gaiety departed from Naga’s life.” Christian missionaries attacked the culture of the Tangkhuls and were in large measure agents of change for western on the people. The valuable Tangkhul Naga usage and practice were condemned as satanic elements even by the new converts who learnt it from the missionaries.

The other impact of Christianity fell on the power and function of the Tangkhul chief. The time honoured position, powers and functions of the chief, well tried and accepted without reservation was seriously eroded by the spread of Christianity. When the Christian missionaries brought the new faith with its established theological principles and introduced western culture, it produced serious effects on the stagnant culture of the Tangkhuls. The devotion of the new converts to the new faith and their desire for higher life style also affected their honour and loyalty to the village chief. Two opposing religious beliefs began to exist in parallel within a village (Shimray 2001). Thus, the Tangkhul villages being, a social, political, economic and religious unit was damaged structurally and institutionally. Eaton (1984) pointed out that Christian missionaries and British rule completely undermined the traditional social order. It would be “a mistake to see conversion of Nagas as merely a function of social change.” As a result, the interaction between human and nature has been changing since the arrival of the Christian missionaries contact with the Tangkhul Nagas. Their past is seen as outdated, ancient and primitive and the present is valued as advanced and refined.

Many features of Tangkhul life are hastily disappearing. The western philosophy and religious climate gave the relationship of humankind with nature based on the notion that human is master over animals and plants (White1967). In such order, humans stand at the top of the hierarchy, and animals and plants are under the control of humans5 Christian belief holds man is defined as a creature with divine origins, who has been given sovereignty over animal and plant life. By being sovereign, mankind is carrying out the will of God. As White further argues that “Christianity, in absolute contrast to ancient paganism and Asian’ religions (except, perhaps Zoroastrianism), not only established a dualism of man and nature but also insisted that it is God’s will that man exploited nature for his proper ends.” Besides, if “humanity is the central point of reference and norms” in the dominant Christian traditions, “in the tribal worldview the land is the key and central point of reference and norm” (Longchar 1995). As Gosling (2001) pointed out, “Christianity has been blamed for environmental destruction in the north-east on account of its tendency to desacralize trees, sacred groves, etc.” The whole concept of the sacred grove is alien to Christianity and to the ethos of the west. Christian missionaries chopped down sacred groves which are idolatrous. The dominant Christian theologies, in short, have been insensitive to the relation of the Tangkhul people with nature.

As seen from the above, for Tangkhuls nature is not merely passive and exploitable resource for humans; but they interact with people in making the world useful and symbolically meaningful. Nature is often regarded as possessing human qualities, or, sometimes as supernatural beings. Humans and nature occupy unclear boundaries in which they are interconnected by the network of values and interactions. Christianity ingrained deeply the principles of individualism and market-based society among the Tangkhuls. As Max Weber (1958) says, Christianity (protestant work ethic) was an important force behind the unplanned and uncoordinated mass action that influenced the development of capitalist society. Now people pursuing after the model of some market economy are working with the development ideology of “catch up” at the cost of cultural and moral values. Longchar (1995) argues that “in the dominant “catch up” development model, the criteria of judging human society is economic. It undermines the cultural and moral aspects and projects the image of western society as the goal of civilization.”

As the development pattern set by western consumerism and individualistic society emerges, it denies the possibility and continuity of the way of traditional living. This has created problems in Tangkhul society in which influential people are creating their own individuality, which undermines the cultural values, sense of community. The present trend denies, in real sense, of the possibility of relationship with nature in their own culture. Man seems to be environmentally unconscious because of consumerist culture, everyone sees his own problem and is unaware of or intolerant of the larger frame into which it fits. As Haksar (2011) pointed out, “Naga society was based on values which were against consumerism. The man who got the highest respect was the man who gave feasts of merit in which he and his wife shared their wealth with the entire village community. Now it is the man or woman who possesses the most who is accorded the highest status and respect.” One can conclude that Christianity influences the production and consumption behavior of people with regard to nature and the environment (White 1967).

CONCLUSION

In the pre-colonial Tangkhul society, practices, beliefs and traditions were geared towards maintaining organic unity between human and the environment. Tangkhul’s traditional view towards nature is similar to what Francis Assisi believed that animals and plants are the brother and sisters of human beings. As stated in the above, the relationship between humanity and nature has changed dramatically. As human culture changes from traditional religion to Christianity, different peoples ‘value orientation toward nature result in the different impact on the natural ecosystems. The challenge of the 21st century will be to figure out what value orientations should people hold for sustainable quality of biodiversity.

RECOMMENDATIONS

Tangkhul society today is in a way alienated from their traditional knowledge. However, the knowledge abides in many ways since Tangkhuls still practice traditional agricultural practices and continued the dependence on the forest. To begin with, the revival of some aspects of traditional culture should not be seen as contradicting Christianity. In fact, Christianity is to play a vital role in the context of the ecological crisis and liberate the Tangkhuls who are being dehumanized, disfigured, alienated and uprooted in our time, Christians must, first, rediscover the centrality of nature in Christian theology. Just as White suggests that Francis should be the patron of the saint of ecologists, traditional Tangkhul Naga worldview ought to be revived in respect to our relations with nature. A thorough understanding of the Tangkhuls relationships with land, plants and animals is of crucial importance for protection of nature. Tangkhuls need to rediscover the knowledge of earlier generations, who lived in close affinity with the nature. The need of the hour is the revival of the relevant aspects of the traditional Tangkhul culture.

Disclaimer: The Arek do not claim ownership of this article. 

To cite this article: Varah,F.  (2013). Situating the Humans Relationship with Nature in the Tangkhul Naga’s Lifeworld. Journal of Human Ecology, 41(3), 247-254, DOI: 10.1080/09709274.2013.11906572

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“I Am Not Wanted Even In My Nation”: A North East Indian Calls Out Our Rampant Racism

By Ningreikhan Wungkhai

Racial discrimination against North Easterners in metropolitan cities is not at all a new occurrence, and neither is it seldom. Why should I be a pigeonholed unsolicited citizen despite carrying an Indian passport? The Japanese, the Americans, the Latinos, don’t see in me an Indian until I proudly wave my papers in the air even though AFSPA has fettered my liberty.

You might not know me from heart but I too am a law abiding Indian citizen and don’t deserve to be treated disrespectfully. Where do I owe my allegiance when I am not wanted even in my nation? When we are not provided electricity and basic infrastructure but only the utter negligence of government for over half a century breeding little else but discrimination?

Have you ever wondered that you might be responsible for the growing insurgency in North East India? Or, were you too naïve to consider how enduring it is for the epicanthic fold when you discriminated, humiliated, and desecrated belief and dignity with no sign of regret? May I educate you before another slanted eye can be pitied? Humiliation could last forever while bruises last only days.

Everywhere racism is rampant, from Australia to India and from Delhi to Manipur. It does not bother those who discriminate, but it is a question of inevitable shame to the victims. To answer such a question is to invite discomfort and shame to one’s cognizance. What happened in Australia rendered a substantial example of the wrath of racism. Many Indians face discrimination in Australia, America, and even in England just because of the colour of their skin and eating habits. Indians overseas working in foreign firms experience the wrath of racism almost every day. What is happening in Australia is something we don’t want to talk about, but there’s no escaping from kitchen talks, campus, media, or even the parliament. The vast Indian community living in Australia varies from IT profession to taxi drivers, academicians to shopkeepers, business runners to kitchen keepers – all exposed to the same pandemonium. Millions of people in India have been pushing for immediate prevention of racism in Australia. Other nations also advocate that such humiliation is beyond the tolerance of one’s dignity and thus ought to be obsolete.

When India faces external aggression, we all take part in defending the nation. The Sikhs and the Christians together wage war against the same enemies, as do the Muslims and the Hindus. But what happens when minorities are mistreated and injured within India?

India is the largest democratic nation in the world. It is shameful when communal incongruity is practiced in our state. Why are those who appear different and whose eyes appear slanted, called Chinese with sarcasm? We all know that India is a land of diversity. We have even studied so in schools and colleges. After all who dare forgets the essential lesson of ‘unity in diversity’ taught so piously in this Gandhian nation? The person who you call Chinese in obnoxious tones is no less Indian than you are.

We cannot forget the unparalleled dedication of the brave Gorkha regiments during the Kargil War in 1997; giving up so much for the nation while defending its territories from foreign aggressors. Yet you want to think of them as delivery boys and ridicule them by calling them “momo steamers” with such impertinence.

Stop Hate Crimes

I am hurt to learn about the February 27th, 2016 Mumbai incident when a girl from Manipur was allegedly thrashed and kicked on her abdomen in a crowded market because she confronted a man who had spat on her. The accused Vijay Jadhav continuously slapped her and dragged her by her hair as she fell on the road. No one came to her rescue. She was spat on, thrashed, humiliated, and molested in broad daylight until she managed to call the police! And what’s more ghastly is that the police treated her complaints as a non-cognisable offence until the media intervened. “He spat on my sister. When she gave him a look, he started kicking her. He pulled her hair and slapped her repeatedly. Nobody helped my sister,” narrated the victim’s sister to the media.

Sometime back in June 2015, a friend of mine (also a UPSC aspirant from Manipur) was brutally bashed up in north Delhi and landed in the hospital with a broken skull and injured limbs. I have known him since we were in college. Despite being a cultured man he still saw the worst of Delhi. He was assaulted because he spoke against someone who spat on his foot.

In 2009, when the then prime minister of Australia Kevin Rudd woke up to the alleged assaults of Indian students and promised prevention of racially motivated hate crimes, thousands of Indian communities were already protesting against the government for being insensitive towards racial minorities. A multitude protested against the violence in New Delhi outside the Australian embassy. Former Indian High Commissioner to Australia, Sujatha Singh, also expressed her concerns over such discrimination in her brief meeting with John Brumby towards the end of May 2009 in Melbourne.

Despite the mass protest over the hate crime in 2009, an Australian teenager stabbed an Indian student to death in Jan 2010.

We are aware of these misdemeanors yet we discriminate against one another in India. How many North Easterners endure physical and verbal abuse in Bangalore for not speaking Kannada? Even the auto drivers and the rickshaw pullers double their fare if the passenger happens to be a North Easterner.

To retaliate against such impertinence, some disgruntled North Easterners also discriminate against ‘mainlanders’ while doing business in the region. The ethical intolerance within the vast diversity somewhere lies in the phrase ‘fragmentation of state and reverse racism’. Ethnic intolerance and racism can lead to communal warlike situations and internal tension in India. One example of ethnic war is the Yugoslav war, which later resulted in the fragmentation of Yugoslavia in 1999.

Deficiency in the feeling of oneness is also a factor that leads to communal conflicts in India. Many are oblivious that there are 8 states in the North Eastern stretches of their country. Most don’t know where Manipur is.

The word racial discrimination might refresh fond reminiscences from the past. Now let me narrate a short allegory of how altruistic India was in the past. In 1952, India in conjunction with other Asian states raised the question of apartheid at the UN and established that the practice of racial discrimination does not only comprise a flagrant violation to human rights, but also amounts to deterioration of world peace. India played its role in the freedom of Zimbabwe and Namibia from white dominion. India struggled against social discrimination in Fiji. This novelty of India’s policy against racial discrimination is commendable and a notable contribution to the world. Let’s continue to uphold this spirit so that God’s dream of bringing heaven on India’s soil can indeed come true.

Disclaimer: The Arek do not claim ownership of this article. 

This article was published on 29th March 2016 by Youthkiawaaz.com.

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Language Borrowing in Hunphun-Tāngkhul

By Yatmi Luikham

Abstract

This present paper will discuss on Cultural borrowing with the focus of the study on English Loan Words (ELW) in hunphun-Taŋkhul (HT). Words are then categorised into borrowable and non-borrowable, presenting the word groups mostly borrowed with examples, followed by discussion. This study also answers the question, ‘why borrowing?’and the contrastive attitude of the Native speakers toward English and their language. In the case of ELW in HT, it is the result of prestige language attitude towards English Language (EL) or prestige motive as part of westernisation, need-filling motive and preferential motive.Dialect Borrowing is studied as a factor leading to speech variation in HT. Discussion is also done on the role of Tāngkhul Literature Society(TLS) in standardising the language.

Key Words: English Loan Word (ELW), English Language (EL), Hunphun-Tāngkhul (HT), Standard-Tāngkhul (ST)

Introduction

Language change is the result of many factors, among which borrowing is one major factor. Borrowing is the process of taking linguistic items from other language/s and using it as one’s own; these borrowed items are known as loan words. Lexical Borrowing is the borrowing of the content word groups: Nouns, Adjectives, Adverbs and Verbs (refers to some objects, action or characteristic). This process is also an important source of enriching the recipient language. Borrowing takes place due to language in contact. Almost all the languages of the world borrow from other language/s with varying degree. Language like, English for instance is an intense borrower as compared to those not much in contact with other cultures. The borrowed lexis in many cases dominated the lexicon of the recipient language. The result is that, the use of some native words ceased, as they were replaced by the new words. In such scenario as the process progressed, the native lexicon changes. “The acquisition of a loanword constitutes in itself a lexical change….” (Hockett: 1958). Borrowing becomes a need for effective communication in a globalised world today. 

Bloomfield(1933) divides borrowing into two types: dialect borrowing, where the borrowed features come from within the same speech-area (as, father, rather with [a] in an [ɛ]-dialect), and cultural borrowing, where the borrowed features come from a different language. Hockett discusses under the conditions of borrowing; the prestige Motive and the Need-Filling Motive. Borrowing occurs either because the borrowed language is considered more prestigious or because there is no lexicalised form to express something that is new to the native culture. Borrowing may also be due to language preference. The speaker may prefer to use the lexis of other’s language instead of his own, as he finds the other better expressed his thoughts. 

The present paper will discuss cultural borrowing within its sub-category on lexical borrowing from English language and dialect borrowing in connection to language change. In John Lyons’ words, two of the most general factors of language change were analogy and borrowing. It is to find out the category of words mostly borrowed and why words are borrowed in hunphun-taŋkhul(HT) Sociolinguistic context. The study is also done to find out how borrowing contributes to the language change in HT.

Data have been collected from primary as well as from secondary sources like published books and print media. The researcher is a HT speaker. So, data have also been collected from speaker’s native intuition of the language, interaction with the people and from observing the way people use language in everyday discourse

Language Area

HT Lexicon consists of words not only of native origin but many day today words and registers are borrowed directly or indirectly from Manipuri, European and Indo-Aryan languages. Loan Words from Indo-Aryan languages like Sanskrit, Hindi, Bengali and Assamese were indirectly borrowed from Manipuri which serves as the intermediary language.From European languages, English acts as the intermediary language. 

The researcher has specifically chosen Lexical Borrowing in HT from English Language (EL) as a focal area of this present study. Since the time HT was made as the Standard-Tāngkhul(ST), it has undergone numerous changes in its lexicon. Borrowing as a result of language contact is one of the major factors leading to change in a language. English Language (EL) bears the status of official language in Ukhrul district. It is also used as a medium of acquiring modern education. With such prestigious status, when in contact with HT, the latter is greatly influenced by the former. 

Place of English Language in Ukhrul District

English and Manipuri serve as the official language of Manipur state but the later is mainly confined in the Capital city, Imphal. English co-exist with ST as the official language of Ukhrul district. Documentation in government offices are done in EL. ST is used mostly in verbal communication and in documentation within the community’s local bodies and organisations, but even there EL is used hand in hand with ST. EL is termed as the language of education in the district. People learn EL as their Second Language (L2). According to Yule, The term learning, however, applies to a more conscious process of accumulating knowledge of the features, such as vocabulary and grammar, of a language, typical in an institutional setting. All schools and colleges in Ukhrul district are English medium, except for government Lower Primary schools, even there EL is being taught with ST. Great knowledgeable books of the world are written or translated in EL which is why learning EL becomes a need in order to have access to the storehouse of knowledge.Somebody with good commands of EL is looked upon as an educated and learned person. V.Saraswati(2004) also asserts that English is inevitably used among literate Indianstoday and with the move to globalisation, there is no looking back.

Hunphuns are no exceptions to this. The only monthly journal of Ukhrul district, ‘Legacy’ is a bilingual of ST and EL. So also, TheᾹja/acɯ/ and The Dawn Tantak/tǝntǝk/are bilingual dailies. EL is made compulsory in formal education. Students are compelled to use EL in discourse within the school premises. Not adhering to the rules are punished or fined. So EL is either learnt out of compulsion or learnt out of the need-filling motive.

It was Rev. William Pettigrew, a Scottish Missionary, who Romanized HT dialect. After equipping few students the rudimentary of literacy, he sends them out to different parts of Ukhrul district to teach. The student turned teachers were highly respected by the people.Since from that time, till today EL has the ideological connotation of job and respect.

Today, educated people among the HT, especially the younger generation prefers to switch to EL in discourse as they feel their thoughts are better expressed in EL rather than their native language. Some use EL for style as part of westernization. Educated and uneducated parents send their children to English medium schools to learn to speak fluent English. Most of the formal meetings, seminars and the like are conducted in EL. Religious services in some cases are also conducted in EL. In such conditions, those without the knowledge of EL are out of place and feel inferior as compared to their counterparts.

Introduction of ST as a subject is made from 1 to 12th Standard by the Manipur Board of Secondary Education to promulgate the significance of preserving indigenous language.  ST is the first Tribal language from North East India to be included in the CBSE(Centre Board of Secondary Education)syllabus with effect from the year, 2011.It has also been included by the Indian Certificate of Secondary Education (ICSE)as a major Indian language Subject

But in spite of all these, the fact is that EL is still looked upon as more prestigious than ST. When two or more languages are in contact, it is a natural phenomenon that the vocabulary of the more prestigious one are borrowed to its counterparts. This is vividly manifested in the English loanwords borrowed to ST/HT.

It is common to all the Commonwealth countries that even after colonialism, the colonizer’s language became impossible to be completely rooted out. There has been an issue on whether to continue using EL as the official and educational language or not.Many countries choose to retain the official status of EL along with the standard native language. “English has, as a consequence, retained its standing within Indian society, continuing to be used within the legal system, government administration, secondary and higher education, the armed forces, the media, business, and tourism.” (DavidCrystal, 1997).Sidney Greenbaum (1996) also discusses on the need to learn English in order to adopt the convention for public writing, as English language is the norm for public writing.Today, EL is spoken as a first or second language in most of the countries of the world. Many among have also developed their own native variety of English. General Indian English (GIE) is one fine variety.

English Loan Words in Hunphun-Tangkhul

Large influx of English vocabulary in HT has become the order of the day in this modernised and technicalised age. These vocabularies are then used as part and parcel of everyday discourse. The use of ELW in the HT has become so natural that hardly people are conscious about it at the time of use. Educated and uneducated; literate and illiterate; young and old are all inevitably within the sphere of using ELW with varying degree.

Not all the categories of words are borrowable. Words are categorized into functional and content words or lexical words. Functional words are those grammatical particles like prepositions, articles, pronouns, determiners, conjunctions; while Lexical Words are those words carrying the content of the message conveyed. Functional words are rarely borrowed when the structure of the languages are not the same. These are closed class of words and addition and subtraction of morphemes to and from these words are restricted. On the other hand, Lexical Words are those that form nouns, adjectives, adverbs and verbs in a language. These are open class words and there is flexibility in the addition and subtraction of morphemes or other lexical items. Lexical Words are for this reason more borrowable. The word group of ELWin HT is the lexical one. The categories of words that made up the ELW in HT are Nouns, Verbs and Adjectives. 

Noun

Noun is the word group that has the most ELW added to HT lexicon. Followings are the criteria of nouns which composed the ELWin HT.

Kinship Terms 

Mummy, Daddy, Aunty, Uncle, Papa, Mama, Baby.

Animal and Birds 

Lion, Tiger, Leopard, Tortoise, Rabbit, Hippopotamus, Giraffe, Rhinoceros, Parrot, Cuckoo,Peacock, Hornbill, Nightingale,etc.

 Fruits, Flowers and Vegetables

Apple, Mango, Grapes, papaya, Litchi, Watermelon, Rose, Lily, Lotus, Jasmine, Esther, Daisy, Sunflower, Orchid, Christmas flower, Tomato, Broccoli, ,Lettuce, Cauliflower, Ladies finger, Carrot, Beetroot,etc.

Weapons and Musical Instruments 

Machine gun, Air gun, Bomb, Rifle, Piano, Casio,Guitar, Drum, Trumpet, Violin etc.

Christian terms

Church, Baptism, Mass, Sabbath, Rosary, Fellowship, Worship, Fasting, Devotion, Offering, Deacon, Deaconess, Pulpit, Cross, Meeting, Reverend, Bishop, Father, Mother, Sister, Brother, etc.

Educational Related Items and Terms

School, College, University, Coaching, Teaching, Department, Higher Secondary, Elementary School, Primary School, Pre-Nursery, Kinder-garden, Tuition, Recess, Pencil, Pen, Notebook, Textbook, Office, Principal, Headmaster, Headmistress, Punishment, Question, Answer, Bell, Peon, Education, Physics, Science, Biology, Chemistry, Maths, Botany, Statistics, Home-Science, History, English, Civics,etc.

Political Terms

Government, Governor, President, Prime-Minister, Home Minister, Finance, Chief Minister, Deputy, Secretary, Vote, Parliament, Article, Constitution, Chairmen, Speaker, Legislative Assembly, Scrutiny,etc.

Cosmetics Related Terms

Cream, Lotion, Scrubber, Facial, Medicare, Pedicure, Hair Dye, Hair Dresser, Stylist, Beauty Parlour, Saloon, Body Massage, Toothbrush, Face Pack, Nail Polish, Soap, Sunscreen, Body Spray, Spa, Perfume, Compact, Lipstick, Lip-gloss, Eyeliner, Foundation,etc.

Technology and Electrical Appliances 

Car, Truck, Bus, Winger, Train, Aeroplane, Computer, Laptop, Mobile, Internet, Mouse, Pen drive, Hard-drive, phone, Tablet, GB, MB, Ship, Steam Boat, Rocket, Jetfighter, Satellite, Telescope, Microscope, Missile, RAM, Chips, Helicopter, Washing Machine, Fridge, Microwave,etc

Measurement Terms 

Weight, Kg., Drop, ml.,Litre, Centimetre, Inch, Feet, Metre, Kilometre, Mile,etc.

ColourTerms

Black, White, Red, Yellow, Green, Indigo, Purple, Saffron, Violet, Blue, Golden, Silver, Sky Blue, Orange, Brown, Grey, Ash, LimeGreen, Dark, Light, Blue Black,etc

Garments and Footwear

Skirt, Frock, Mini Skirt, Long pant, Half pant, Jogging Shirt, Coat, Sweater, Jacket, Shirt, Jeans, High neck, Fitting dress, Inners, Stockings, Leggings, Neck-tie,etc.

Place and Person Names

View-land, Happy-land, New Canaan, Seven-Finance, Mary, Linda, Louis, Rosy, Moses, Peter, James, Henry, Lucy,etc.

Medical Terms and Diseases

Hospital, Ward, Doctor, Nurse, Lab technician, medicine, Syringe, Operation Theatre, Caesarean, Surgery, Injection, Glucose, Cancer, Allergy, Malaria, Diarrhoea, Brain tumour, Dysentery, Typhoid, Heart attack, Paralyse, Ulcer,etc.

 Professions

Professor, Reader, Engineer, Scientist, Doctor, Peon, Businessman, Architecture, Designer, Painter, Artist, Astronaut, Pilot, Captain, Lieutenant, Brigadier, Advocate,etc.

Sports and Related Terms and Items

Football, Cricket, Hockey, Bat, Volley Ball, Basket Ball, Long jump, High jump, Marathon race, Polo, Tennis, Goal, Draw, Golf, Coach, Trophy, Cup, Stump, Striker, Player, Wimbledon, Point, Ground, Stadium,etc

Parts of House and Day-to-day Items

Kitchen, Bedroom, Toilet, Bathroom, Sitting room, Veranda, Ceiling, Wall, Floor, Window, Chimney, Bed, Table, Blanket, Billow, Mosquito net, Curtain, Screen, Bed sheet, Cushion, Carpet, Plate, Spoon, Container, Fork, Gas Cylinder, Stove, Cooker, Plastic, Cotton, Silk, Aluminium, Newspaper, Magazine, Album,etc

Discussion

Hunphun-taŋkhuls used  English  vocabulary  to express more  complex objects and  ideas which are new to  their culture and has no  lexicalised form to express.  The word group most borrowed is the noun as it is an open class of words. In using ELW for the things imported, people also tend to substitute some existing vocabulary  of the native language. Some English words have the HT version, but hardly many words are translated. Loan translation is time consuming and nobody likes to use the translated version,as it seems an obviously awkward form. For example, ‘gramophone’ was once translated as okola meaning ‘Box-Song’ and ‘mirror’ as kɯla-rɯ-ŋəyot meaning ‘image/shadow-liquid/water-look+purpose,’but nobody uses these translated forms.

Some native words are also completely substituted by the borrowed language because the existing native word cannot be used in all contexts. For example the word leingapha/leiŋəphɯ/ which means ‘trade-disperse,’ similar to the concept of ‘Bazaar,’ but it cannot be referred to all the trading place and occasion. During the olden days Hunphun, a specific place and time was fixed for this purpose and only on those days people from around the Hunphun village brought their own speciality to trade with each other: western villages or khɯrao were known for weaving traditional attires, northern villages or rɯphei were known for hǝmpai‘earthen pot’ and haomǝci‘hao-salt’ and Shirui village, situated at the foothill of ShiruiHill, which is at the east of Hunphun was known for sopkai ‘Bamboo baskets.’leiŋəphɯ was held only once a year during the luirɯ festival which falls in the month of February. So, only that particular place and time was termed leiŋəphɯ. As a result ‘Bazaar’ has completely substituted the former word as it surpassed the suitability of usage to refer to any trading place. Another factor is the intermixed settling of people speaking different languages.

Loan Translation is one of the altitudes of concern of the Tāngkhul Literature Society in order to enrich the ST lexicon. But the translated forms often remain within the four walls of the classroom as the general mass is not aware of it. There are not many publications of literature in the native language. Greater portions of the available literatures fall in the category of Christian literature. This is the reason that among the translated words, Christian terms havemore pragmatic effect. Words like kəsakhəva, kəziŋrəm, kəziŋrao, meifɯ, Seiha which were translated from the EL concept of Creator, Heaven, Angel, Hell, and Prayer are prominently in use today. Borrowing also occurs where there is no direct semantic translation into the borrowing language but only the concept is borrowed. Some of such words as innovated by The Tāngkhul Literature Society are: jaruiwo, məsowo, Khəmiwo, thanme, kuirǝ, kuirumvɯ, kuirumla which are borrowed from the EL concept of Chairman, Guest of Honour, Chief Guest, Moderator/Conductor, Mr., Mrs., and Miss.

Adjectives

Cool, branded, hot, sexy, smooth,bright, shine, dark, light, silky, patience, discipline, high-fi, standard, unique, smart, right, left, side, careless, straight, lucky, gentle, educated, uneducated,  proud, romantic, sensitive, serious, power, dry, attractive, naughty, mature, half, full, round, flat, unbreakable, blue, pink, green, yellow,etc.

Discussion

Adjectives relating to the description of the quality, shape and texture of the noun are often borrowed. Colours are used to qualify the hues and shades of noun. Shape is used to describe the appearance of the noun. Raw material is used to talk about the texture of the object or thing.

HT: kuihon ci piŋk-nǝi.

Trans. The hat/cap is pink.

HT:khəmuiciraun-nǝi.

Trans. The bread is round.

HT: iwuiphɯhonasa hi kotən-nǝi.

Trans. The fabric of my dress is cotton

HT basic colours are kəcər, kəzik, kəhuŋ, khəmətek, khəməjiŋ(white, black, red, green, blue). Other colours other than these are expressed along with the object modelling that colour as ŋəleipan(soil-colour), cinaipan(Chinai+mushroom-colour) etc. But with the influx of English colour terms, preference has been shifted to it. 

Adjectives of number is also borrowed to specify the number of nouns and also to state the place or position of the noun in order. Words indicating directions and geographical locations associated with a noun, like southern, northern, eastern are also borrowed. 

HT: a northənʃoŋ wui minə.

Trans. He belongs to the northern side.

Verb

Turn, practice, maintain, repeat, betray, doubt, encourage, try, call, send, receive, edit, save, rewind, forward, backward, record, on, off, renew, recycle, kick, repair, conduct, organize etc.

Discussion

Action words relating to technology and sports constitute the major portion of the ELW verbs in HT. Words like copy, install, uninstall, download, browse, insert, delete, upload, call, receive, message etc are the computer and mobile phone related verbs that is widely used among the Tāngkhulstoday. Rarely these words are translated. Some of the sports related verbs like kick, throw, pass, strike, hit, loose, practice etc. are unavoidably used while playing games.  

Messaging on mobile phones through social media apps like Whatsapp, Facebook, Hike and also emails and the likes are mostly done in English even among the Tāngkhuls. This is one great influence that leads to large influx of ELW in HT. The affluence of American media entertainment shows and movies has a dramatic effect on the way people use language, especially among the youngsters; they tend to mimic the westerners in every aspect in their craving to be identified with them. Language and culture are inseparable. Wardhaugh has defined culture as “whatever a person must know in order to function in a particular society.” With the shade of westernisation, there has been a tremendous change in all aspects of HT culture. As culture change there is also change in its language to accommodate the new culture.It is true that every living language change; this change shows the fact of the language being alive. But complete substitution of the native word by the loan word is a problem itself which if not checked on time may lead to language endangerment. Likewise, negative attitude of the native speakers toward their language is an agent to language endangerment, which if not checked on time, may lead to language dead.

Dialect Borrowing

hunphun-taŋkhul(HT) is originally the dialect of the hunphun village which is the district headquarters of Ukhrul in Manipur state. The district comprises of 221 villages with a population of 183,998 as per 2011 census, with almost all the villages speaking a dialect of its own. Like allother Naga villages, Hunphuns in the past were xenophobic towards intruders. However, the social scenario changed dramatically with the setting up of Hunphun Village as the American Baptist Mission headquarters and centre for education in 1896 by Rev.William Pettigrew, a Scottish missionary and an educationist. It was this time few youths from surrounding villages began to take temporary settlement at Hunphun village for educational purpose. Housing system began to change slowly after 1960s. Somewhere from mid 20th century after the 2nd World War, the actual migration from other villages to Hunphun village began, eventually leading to exposure of its dialect to the rest of the Taŋkhul-NagaVillages’dialects which gradually rise to variations in the use of HT.

There is so much spelling irregularity in HT. Much probable reason lies on the Romanisation; the alphabet was adopted as it is, regardless of the unavailability of some sounds in the adopting language. As taught and learnt academically, Standard Tāngkhul(ST)/HT alphabet comprises of 28 letters: A,Ᾱ,A,B,C,D,E,F,G,H,I,J,K,L,M,N,O,P,Q,R,S,T,U,V,W,X,Y,and Z. For   instance there are no voiced sounds like /b/, /d/, /g/,/Ɉ/in HT native words except in loan words. Voiceless /p/,/t/,/k/, /c/can be heard instead in speech. There’s no sound with C alone without being accompanied by H as/ch/./ch/is likely to be written as J when it occurs in an environment where it is followed by i or a/ɯ/in a syllable. Some continue to write /ch/as pronounced. Other sounds like /q/and /x/are absent. There is variation in the use of /r/and /l/. This causes inconsistency in spellings,as people usually writes the way as pronounced by them. So, it is often complained by some taŋkhullanguage teachers as careless in speaking. But spoken language is more alive than written; the former is what linguists are concerned of. 

Phonemic Distribution of /l/ and /r/in hunphun-taŋkhul(HT)

/l/initial/            l/medial            /l/final

La-lasem,lanpar         yamkuili

Le-lepao, lengkhor         philavɯ

Li-likrɯ            ŋǝlǝi

lo-loŋnao, lokhui

lu-luk, luŋkui

lǝ –lǝn, lǝŋcin

lǝi-lǝipan, lǝikǝʃi

lui-lui, luiva

/r/initial                /r/medial            /r/final

Ra-ram,raman            hǝrva,ŋǝrǝi, otrom        khor, khǝjir, kǝthǝr,

Re-reŋkhor, riŋronthǝi        sarip, varok, ŋǝreo,         var, kǝthor etc.

Ri-riŋkǝpha, rinrin            carui etc.

Ro-rontha, roŋrǝr

Rɯ-rɯwon, rɯtǝk

On keen observation, /l/ occurs both in the initial position and medial position but absent in the final position. HT uses mostly /r/ in the medial position and /l/ in the initial, which is castigated by those who goes by the Standard variety. In fact, /l/ and /r/ are used interchangeably in these two positions which sound typical hunphun-Taŋkhul. This is termed as an error in speech by many, but which in fact is a fine feature of HT dialect/language

HT: wukruŋ, mǝruŋ, khǝrǝp,raruirǝ

ST: wukluŋ, mǝluŋ, khǝlǝp, raluirǝ

Some Hunphuns will pronounce /l/in these words while some /r/ and some other use both, depending on the speech context. This results in the inconsistency in the use of /l/ and /r/.An evident that HT/ ST do not have final /l/ is the pronunciation of ‘Ukhrul’ as ukhrur and Tangkhul as tangkhur by many people, as the etymology of these words are not of the native origin.

HT dialect change in progress can be observed in the variation in the use of the dialect by other Tangkhul village dialect speakers in speech. Some people from the north or rɯphǝivillages find difficulty in pronouncing /h/so they pronounce /kǝthi/meaning ‘dead’ as /kǝti/. Likewise some other people belonging to westernvillages have difficulty with /v/, where these sounds occur they tend to substitute with /w/. Southern villages are more fluent with Manipuri than Tāngkhul, mostly they have issue with/ʃ/and /z/,for which they substitute with/s/and /c/. Some eastern villages also have issues with/ʃ/and /z/. There are many such variations in use, the cause/sof which are yet to be studied intensively.  

Role of Tāngkhul Literature Society

The Tāngkhul Literature Society(TLS) was founded in the year 1937 by a few Tāngkhul elites who were the second generation western-educated Tāngkhul-Nagas. The society was founded with the motive of enriching the language in the field of literature. Christian Literature was the primary concern of the society. Loan Translation is one of the altitudes of concern of the Tāngkhul Literature Society in order to enrich the ST lexicon. The present Bible translation in ST which is used by all the Taŋkhul Christian denominations is the work of TLS. The Tāngkhul Literature Society has much to do in bringing about change in HT linguistic sphere. There was a subtle change in the language before the intervention of the TLS. The society takes initiative in uplifting the standard of Taŋkhul literature by taking charge in publishing academic textbooks for students, they are the sole responsible for Bible translation from English to ST. Apart from these the bi-monthly bi-lingual of English and Taŋkhuljournal ‘The Legacy’ is a publication of TLS under the forum ‘A Centre for Tāngkhul Socio-Historical Research and Documentation’ (CENSHIRED) which points its origin to a seminar of Taŋkhul Language intellects conducted by the TLS. The main focus of CENSHIRED is to open a forum to standardise HT in all its linguistic spheres to bring uniformity in speech and letter. The wide range of irregularity and inconsistency in the use of the language ushered to such step forward. Lots of spelling modifications have been done depended on tonal value. As per the TLS spelling rule, in homonymic words or syllables, voiced sounds are used when pronounced in low tone but voiceless is used when the tone is higher. This rule is applied to voiced /b/,/d/,/g/,/Ɉ/ and its counterparts voiceless /p/, /t/, /k/, /c/. In an attempt to use all the letters that consist the English alphabet, /q/ has been agreed upon to use with quira and quirumla which actually sound as kuirǝ and kuirumla in native speech. The only word with /x/as given by TLS in Class IX and X students Tangkhul Grammar textbook, 2013 is sixileironrixxila where /x/is pronounced as in English ‘six’ with /ks/immediately followed by /s/. Since TLS is the apex body in shaping the language, not adhering to its laid down rules is considered incorrect. Formal writing goes by this, whereas on the other hand many hunphun-Taŋkhuls continue speaking the unmodified form, which in some cases are even visible when put down into words. There are no voiced /b/, /d/, /g/, /Ɉ/ in HT speech but are likely to have been introduced .The unavailability of these sounds in HT can be confirmed when the native speaker, especially those who have no idea about the difference between voiced and voiceless sounds pronounce loan words which require these sounds.Ahum (1997) placed the voiced/b/, /d/, /g/,/Ɉ/as the allophone of/p/, /t/, /k/, /c/ rather than placing them as separate phonemes. 

Since HT is the lingua franca of the Taŋkhuls who are further divided into different native speech communities, there is always the influence of their L1 when using the L2. The peer group gets influenced with each other, which therefore results to variation in HT speech.There is also shortage of letters to represent all the phones of the language orthographically. /e/and/ǝ/ are both represented by letter e,in words like saser ‘do all’ in which it is pronounced as /sasǝr/instead of */saser/while serkakhui‘to tear and take’ is pronounced as /serkǝkhui/ and not */sǝrkǝkhui/. 

Conclusion

The place of English Loan Words (ELW) in Hunphun-Taŋkhul(HT) language is to fill the wide gap of effective communication in today’s globalised world. If not for ELW, coping with the ever growing science and technology would have been very difficult. Loan translation is often time consuming and not very necessary when the idea and the concept can be rightly conveyed in much lesser time by Loan terms. Use of ordinal numbers like first, second, third and educational terms like school, class, blackboard etc., in speech by people above 70 or 80 years old who have never gone to school is an evidence of the inevitability of ELW in the present social context. Local news papers, radio program, journal and books have ample amount of ELW present in each of it, which if translated would consume a lot of time.On the other hand, depending too much on the loan terms, some of the existing native vocabulary lost its use to the new loan terms. Today nobody uses the word khayiyar/khǝjijar/ for which they use either Shartin, a modified version of Manipuri Shatin or umbrella in English. If we ask any HT ‘what do you call the thing on which you sleep on? All young and old, without fail would say it is called bed. People below 20 years would hardly know that ‘peacock’ is called yongyingkui/yoŋjiŋkui/ and ‘hornbill’ hangkhokkhrāng/hǝŋkhokkhraŋ/ in HT. In the case of ELW in HT, it is the result of prestige language attitude towards English Language (EL) as part of westernisation or prestige motive, need-filling motive, preferential motive and suitability motive. Borrowing on one hand is a need for effective communication in this globalised world.While a very crucial issue in language change is the negative attitude of the native speakers towards their language; which if fed and foster, may lead to language dead.

The kind of borrowing which Bloomfield called dialect borrowing has also contributed to variation in the use of HT. One would hear multiple dialects in HT area where people from all the villages of Ukhrul district settled in amalgamated sociolinguistic context. In this case, the ground of borrowing is the interference of the first language (L1). Everybody speaks in their own accents which is why it is very audible in native earto identify the village or the region one belongs to. Villages from Northern region would somewhat speak HT alike as Tāngkhul-Nāgā is a dialect continuum.The orthographic representation of the language has also contributed to the phonological variation of HT in speech.The Tāngkhul Literature Society plays a vital role in standardising the spelling and innovation of new words in the language.

Disclaimer: The Arek do not claim ownership of this article.

The author Yatmi Luikham is Ph.D Research Scholar, Department of Linguistic Manipur University. Interested researcher can contact through email: ayat.luikham@gmail.com 

For reference: Luikham.Y. (2017). Language Borrowing in Hunphun-Tāngkhul. Language in India, ISSN 1930-2940.

Click here for direct access

Related readings:

Ahum, Victor.1997. Tangkhul-Naga Grammar: A Study of Word Formation. Unpublished Thesis Submitted to Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Tangkhul Literature Society. 2013. Tangkhul Grammar. Prescribed for use as Text-Book in Class

Prevailing Questions of ‘RTE’ & Emerging Contentions In The Educational Policy Discourse

By Somingam PS

Constitutional yet partly Praxi Paradoxical’ Education in India is considered a matter of Right for every child (6-14 years), an intrinsic value of the Indian constitutions laid down as the Fundamental Rights. With the 86th amendment Act of 2002 specifically in article 21.a guaranteed “Free and Compulsory education” for all children between the ages of 6-14 years based on the principles of Inclusion, Equality and Non-discrimination. Nearly after 8 years of constitutional amendment act of 2002 (Universalization of education)’Right to education Act, 2009 came into being as a landmark achievement which brings in the fundamental changes and shift in the Indian education system setting up various Institutional mechanism with numerous roles and responsibilities of state and society and with set goals and objectives to be achieve over the next few years and decades. The Act is envisioned on the principle of Holistic approach, equity and accessibility, gender concern, centrality of teachers, moral compulsion on parents, teachers, educational administrators and other stakeholders.

Over the years with the coming of RTE, statistically India has finally almost achieved universal enrollment in primary education with 99.21% and 92.21 at the upper primary level (DISE 2015-16) with the growth rate of 13.56% from class 1- XII (times of India 2013) Despite this massive increase in enrollment at the primary level, six million children aged 6-13 are estimated to be still out of the school system, according to the 2014 survey by the Ministry of Human Resource Development. According to Montreal based UNESCO institute for statistic and global education monitoring, India still has 47 million youth of secondary and higher secondary school-going age are dropping out of school (2016 report). Over the years, the drop-out rate has been increasing at the secondary and higher secondary level. In 6(six) north eastern states (Manipur, Nagaland, Assam, Mizoram, Arunachal, Tripura & Meghalaya, it increases to 10% (India today, 2016). Most children out of school in India is leading by Uttar Pradesh, followed by Bihar and Rajasthan.

Data source & yearAge-groupOut of schools children(OoSC) in Numbers
Ministry of human resource development, 20056-13 years13.5 million
Ministry of Human Resource Development, 20096-13 years8.15 million
Census, 20116-13 years38 million
UNICEF, 20145-13 years17.5 million

Variation of children out of Schools from different source in different years.

According to RTE Forum (2016-2017), after 7 years of implementation Rights to Education’ only 9.54 schools are compliant with all norms and standards till today. According to the report of the committee of evolution of new education policy, 2016 (Subramanian committee) there is a shortage of 9.4 lakhs of teachers [5.6 lakhs in primary schools and 3.5 lakhs in upper primary school] in government school; and 14 % of secondary schools don’t have a prescribed minimum of six years. a recent MHRD report shows about 1,05,630 government elementary and secondary schools with only single teachers; with Madhya Pradesh emerging as a worst state where 17,874 of the institutions have just one teachers. Further the Report (2017) says 6.3 lakhs of teachers in India don’t have professional qualification. And yet the new education policy Draft titles ”inputs to the new education policy” in 2016 seemed failed to bring out these fundamental issues and challenges of school education at this juncture. The new education policy (Subramanian committee), which was just came into being last year in 2016 under the right wing-Bharatiya Janata Party Government had greatly underscore the continuing contention in India (Venkatraraman, 2016). Instead of attempting of addressing the fundamental educational concerns where millions of children are still out of school, low quality education in purview of DPEP, SSA, ICDS etc. the HRD Ministry have put in place a process that emphasizes issues that are not concern with education at all (Bhatty, 2015) continuing the fashion trend of new Educratic and bureaucratic recommendation (council for excellence in higher education, national higher education fellowships, central bureau of educational intelligence, constitution of standing education commission, national law for higher education) rather than reconstructing the existing failures and complexities.

Over the years’ one of the major critiques of RTE is the lack of quality which the Act has a least focus on outcome. Surveys frequently reported under-performance in children’s attainment. Few years back in 2013, the annual state of education report (ASER) watchdog NGO conduct a largest annual household survey of children in rural India that focuses on the status of schooling and basic learning are carried out facilitated by Pratham. The report reveals two major findings i.e. the worsening of the learning level and the preference for private schools and private tuition in the rural India. The report also says that the learning quality is certainly better in the private schools. On checking of class 3 children’s ability to read a class 1 textbook, only 33% of children from government school could do compared with 60% children from the private schools. This condition has also led to the alarming growth of private school/institutions which provide much better quality education. Even parents from poor family background began preferring private schools with much higher fees and expenditure rather than the free education in the government schools; which means parents are at any cost concern for the quality education of their children despite condition of being poor or financial instability. The overwhelming growth of private schools is also driven by the larger forces of liberalization and privatization. These further creates wider gap between those who are economically better position and those who are not. To see the growth trend of private schools; in 2005, all India private schools is 17%, it has gone up to 29% in 2013. In some state such as Manipur and Kerala 70% percent of children are in private schools. Moreover in some state though enrollment is increasing in government schools high proportion of students are depending on private tuition s. For examples in Bihar and Odisha, only 8.4 and 7.3 percent are going to private schools however, 52.1 and 52.2 % are going for private tuition respectively. With the poor quality of education on government schools, the number of “Small schools” is also increasing among the govt. schools. The numbers of schools with the total proportion of 60 students and below are 27.3 % in 2010 and 33.1% in 2013 (SSA annual report, 2014).

Again to look from the ankle of Socially Disadvantage/marginalize statistic, as reported by the UNICEF on “South-Asia regional study 2015” children from minorities (Muslim), Schedule Caste and schedule Tribe face a higher degree of non-participation in the schools as compared to national average pointing out that in all the three; there are 11.9 million children (age 6-13) who are not in school, the study says. Further it pointed out that girls from SCs have the highest rate of exclusion at 6.1 percent. The average rate of exclusion primary school age children from SCs is 5.6 percent and 5.3 percent from the STs compared to national average of 3.6 percent. According to IMRP survey 2014 report revealed that out of 75% of all children out of school are Dalit’s, Muslims and schedule tribe. Hence the questions of inclusive education or exclusion in the education system of these marginalize groups despite of numerous affirmative policies and actions it still widely failed to ensure fair and just inclusion in education in contestation to Constitutional mandate. The social-cultural milieus and inequalities of caste or being downtrodden or disadvantage remains pertinent to it reflected in the education system. On the other hand, if we see the budget allocation for ST and SC, the schedule caste sub plan (SCSP) and schedule tribe sub plan (TSP) is again hugely neglected. According to SCSP budget data of 2016-17 the mandated budget for SC is 91,302 Crores but it is only allotted with only 38,833 Crores and for ST 47,301 is the mandated budget but is also assigned with only 24,005 Crores.

One of the reasons for the failure of RTE act is also that there is no dedicated financial resource for its implementation. Even when the act was passed, it was not accompanied by financial memorandum to ensure the availability of the requisite financial resource for its implementation. However surprisingly as per the report though there are undedicated limited funds on the other hand these funds remain un-utilized. The comptroller and auditor general (CAG) in the performance audit that was tabled recently stated that the government/state implementing agencies were inconsistently unable to utilized the funds (Disha Nawani, EPW 2017). This underutilization of funds ranged from 21% to 41 % between 2010-2011 and 2015-2016. The state government have failed to utilize over 87,000 Crores of the allocated funds in the first six years of act (Nanda 2017). also As per the DISE report, 2014-2014’ most of the state are spending less than one percent of SSA budget on community mobilisation and training of SMC school management committee). With this’ the role and participation of community for the effective functioning of government schools is weak [no sense of ownership by the community].

While the budget allocation for children’ also remains stagnant from the last few years. The union budget is half to the budget recommended by the kothari Commission (6 % of GNP) allocated only 3%. It was 2.42 in 2014-2015(RE), 2.44 in 2015-2016(RE) and 2.19 in 2016-2017(BE). As we see the statistics the funds allocation are also gradually limiting (decreasing) whereby to address and ensure education for every children remains a pertinent question amidst series of obstructing factor.

New Amendments, Recommendations and Debates

In 2016, the Subramanian Committee on NEP, 2016 recommended that RTE should be included standard norms and infrastructural requirement for measuring learning outcomes to enhance quality education. Each class should have such standard norms and evaluated through periodic and external assessment. It further recommends that teachers should be accountable in achieving the targets or outcomes within certain given time frame (MHRD 2016). However the debate evolves around this recommendation is that, education is narrowly understood which may likely ignore the production of multiplicity of views and opinion of the student. Disha Niwani (2016) pointed out that it is hugely dominated by the B.S Bloom concept of mastery learning (1975) which is ignorant to constructivist understanding of learning. He further argued the recommendation fails to acknowledge the variation of teaching strategies, social context, student’s differences etc.

Again, in respect to examination reforms, the committee recommend the class 10 board examination should be held of every subject in 2 parts; part A ad Part B. Part A to be compulsory for all the students especially for those who wish to join the vocational training courses after their class 10 and part P is only for those who wants to continue for further studies. The idea of giving options attempting to ensure students friendly examination system is a good moves on one hand. However it can also mislead the students because at the stage of class 10 deciding a diverging carrier for future might not be a wise move. Mostly it is seen at risk for those who are first generation learners whereby parents and elders have limited knowledge of guiding them.

The RTE act of 2009 initially guarantee for those state which doesn’t have sufficient number of teachers training institute and qualifies teachers were given a relaxed deadline of 6 years till 2015. However even after 7 years of RTE implementation more than 2.1 lakh government school teachers and approx 5-6 lakhs private schools teachers remained untrained. This figure was presented by the union home minister MHRD while presenting the amendment act of RTE 2017 (published in; The Hindu 2017). The amendment bill of 2017 confers again the extension of two years to get the required qualification by March 2019.

One of the long standing debates of RTE is also the exclusion of Pre-school clause under RTE Act, perhaps the most neglected area in policy and legislation. The Subramanian committee 2016 taking a view of providing early childhood care and protection of children in age-group of 4-6 years of children but surprisingly declare that it is not a suitable coverage under RTE act for this age group. However the policy draft to an extent covers the age group of 5-6 years which is to be implemented under ICDS. But ICDS itself are not equipped for implementing Pre-school education. In fact ICDS is largely top-down approach and fails to address numerous contextual needs. Moreover the policy recommendation was blind enough to see into the age-group of 15-18 years where higher number of drop outs happens. Till today the Government is nowhere ready to give any concrete commitment for the children of this age-group. Madhu Prasad, founding members and spokesperson of all India forums for Right to education said that RTE became a legal form of system of discrimination at every level.

Strangely, the 2016 amendment of child labor Act in July last year is ; allowing/legalizing the child labor except three; mines, with in-flammables substances and explosive and hazardous work. Coupled with the policy to introduce vocational training s in schools. It can be anticipated that children would be more easily drop out of schools and take up employment. It is hugely critique that the policy is trying to promote caste based pattern of occupation. The policy actually opens up a way/disguised for Children belong to economically backward and girls to actually out from the schools.

Emerging Contentions in the Educational Policy Discourse

India’s education systems today to a larger extend’ still in subscribe of NPE (National education policy) of 1986/92. In fact the RTE Act of 2009 which came into being in 2010 is the comprehensive result of NPEs. The first national education policy (1968) though efforts were made to ensure free and compulsory education, minority education, and address regional disparities on educational infrastructure and however it was focus more on science, technology and scientific research. With the national policy on education (NPE) 1986/92; education policy was much based on equality (bridging the social gap) and inclusion through various affirmative action by introducing of various schemes and policies for the women’s, SC, ST, minorities and other disadvantages groups and also strengthening the existing policies was envisioned. It set to view education in a more holistic manner; Education system with more cultural orientation (Cultural perspectives), language development (Mother tongue), vocational education, setting up of rural schools and institutes, education of handicapped, minorities, ST, SCs, women, teachers education and training, education of games and sports etc. were introduced paving way of some representational space from the vulnerable and marginalize sections and their knowledge system into a mainstream education system. However the questions of being in subjugation, discrimination and exploitation of people who are socially disadvantage and marginalize remains unanswered over the years till date.

School Curriculum are framed by NCERT as a continuous and evolving process over the periods of decades; The Curriculum for the Ten Year School Curriculum 1975, National Curriculum Framework for Elementary and Secondary Education-1988, National Curriculum Framework for School Education-2000 and the last curriculum was prepared by NCERT in the year 2005, which favors the plurality of textbooks. The need for introducing new National Curriculum Framework (NCF) adapting the fast changing scenario of social, political and economic order over the past one decade has put forward by several educationists, experts, Activist etc. and it becomes a challenge before curriculum framers and developers to assimilate and absorb new changes to meet the aspirations of the people.

NCF 2005 identify independence of thoughts and action, sensitivity to others well-being and feelings, learning to respond new situation in a flexible and creative manner and importance of participation in the democratic process and social change. “In the social sciences’ the approach proposed in the NCF recognizes disciplinary markers’ a paradigm shift is recommended, proposing the study of the social sciences from the perspective of marginalize groups. Gender justice and a sensitivity towards issues related to SC and ST communities and minority sensibilities must inform all sectors of the social sciences (National curriculum Framework, 2005)”. In 2012, MHRD directs the State/UT governments to “modify their existing school curricula and textbooks to include gender positive material”. That would require authors who have internalized the significance of the task assigned and further, are free from “urban middle class biases”.

These are the few important milestone development leading to paradigm shifts at the level of policy framework in the field of education. Yet in these waves of constant adaptation and re-adaptation with the changing social economic and political scenario of the country it is undeniable that the emerging educational trends have lots of ideological underpinnings and political motives in it. On 27TH June, 2017 Delhi Deputy Chief Minister ‘Manish Sisodia once remark during the meeting with the NCERT “Textbooks should not be used as ‘ideological battleground’ between the Left and the Right, they must be designed to suit the need of the children”. These remarks came out from the kind of situation emerging in education system over the last few years/decades. At present, with the coming of the new (BJP) government the ideology of “Hindu Rashtra” has been invisibly visibilising putting as a central agenda taking its shape in all the institutional settings behind the idea of nation state. In fact’ the new amendment Act of RTE 2016, notwithstanding innumerable social disparities, particularly of caste and gender in its social fabric, it hails Indian civilization as the most glorious civilization in the world (MHRD 2016: 5) which uncritically trying to celebrate ancient India in its education system is one of its kind. Arguably Indian education system are obscurant with national identity/goals which in a way overemphasizing on Indianizing’ rather than being rational cutting across boundaries producing multiples knowledge and ideas. In fact the very idea of “national identity” is undeniably questioned and debated among scholars of different communities/region. For the country is a multi-diversified nation with so many nations within the Indian state. Frequently the question arises to whose national identity are we referring to? The question of whose cultural or sociological facts and narratives is represented or how it is represented remains debatable/un-answered till now.

If we are to raise such questions’ Strangely, the historical facts and culture of North-Eastern people and society and Tribal’s are nothing less discussed or mentioned in the central educational boards of syllabus and curriculum until recently few integrated studies started in the college and universities. And tribal sociology of knowledge for that matter only claim a limited space in the academic spheres till today. Moreover few discussions about them are often portrayed distorting the historical and cultural facts in converging to ancient Indian civilization and Hindu narratives (GK-CBSE textbook, 2017). The basic fundamental values and ethos of diversities of the country is violated and constantly attempted to portray in the shadow of ancient Hindu civilization.

Ironically “Indian educational policy” is still majorly caught up in the realms of propagating national identity/ achieving national goals. From NPE 1986/92 there see a shift towards critical thinking however, individual is still seen as a resource for achieving national goals rather than active participant in defining these goals. With the subscription of liberalization, globalization and privatization (LPG) from 1991, education became gradually more commercialize and taking an approach to meet the market requirement rather than producing a rational, critical and creative citizens for realization of national goals.

National policies on education have been shaped by the political and economic contexts within which they were formulated and these in turn defined the espousal of specific policy goals” (Dewan & Mehendale 2015).

Perhaps’ many scholars argued that Indian education system is run by politically governed policies rather than educationally governed policies. Every new ruling government may it be BJP or Congress keep framing new policies, new framework etc. based on their certain political agenda. even few years back, after the coming of NDA government they want to rewrite the History textbook (syllabus) and also came up with a “New education policy, 2016 which itself receive a lots of critics that the new education policy is attempting to corporatize and Brahmanize the Indian education system. Indeed every right thinking citizen welcomes new policy and curriculum which would adapt/update with the new changing social-economic and political environment however the question remains unanswered whether the policy envisioning educational attributes such as critical thinking, creativity, scientific temper, analytical abilities, aesthetic appreciation, sense of philosophy and rationality are reflected on the idea of equity-equality, liberty, rights and justice. At the outset disparity between the rich and the poor becomes wider; the element of caste, or being a tribal or women or minorities etc. became more and more vulnerable at its complexity. Madhu Prasad, founder member &spokesperson, All India forum for RTE remarks that “Clearly, India’s education system is reproducing social inequalities and not removing them”.

Surprisingly, the New Education Policy draft which was just framed in 2016 in reference with the school education has a limited reflection on the two emerging/changing social-cultural issues of the country; Gender concerns and environmental concerns. However, One should also note that the new education policy Draft, 2016 came out of the feature that;

  • It came after the gap of 30 years (last formulated in 1986/92).

  • It is an initiative of Right wing-Bharatiya Janata party, which invites saffronization of education in the past educational policy and reforms.

  • It comes at a time when the neo-liberalist waves of privatization and globalization was at its height with increasing negligence in social sector.

Out of the many themes discussed for the school education in the NPE 2016, there is completely no mentioning of gender concerns (apart from mentioning the addressing social gaps) and environmental concern (See NEP, 2016) which is also an important SDGs goals of 2015. Ajay S Sekar also put forward” as Saffronizing and corporatization of Indian education system; critique on new education policy, 2016 in the journal of in Cultural forum. The strong evident point of being not in conformity with the changing Socio–cultural scenario/issues is that; violence/crime against women in the country is keep on increasing at the alarming rate according to National Crime Record Bureau. The overall number has been increased from 2, 28, 650 cases in 2011 to 3, 27, 394 in 2015 (national crime record bureau, 2015). The overall crime reported by national crime report Bureau is also increasing over the years; with 36.3 % in 2005 to 40.3 in 2015. The alarming situation of increasing crime against women in India over the years’ despite of being growing discourse and awareness of gender rights and empowerment along with the growth of education posed a serious paradoxical concern. Similarly, the environmental concern which gained itself a serious global attention has ignored in the new education policy in a largest democratic country. It simply reveals the situation of sinking education in the shadows of powerful corporate. The corporatization of India’s development model whereby the powerful capitalist unwillingness to compromise their power/prestige on to the environmental concerns is the reason for its ignorance. Because the education itself is slowly materializing and corporatizing moving towards to fulfill the demands of market.

The surprising feature of new education Policy (NEP) 2016 is also that it came within the few months of time-line. Contrary to student–centric learning, the report emphasizes the teacher Centric system “Guru Shisya” Tradition of the past (MHRD 2016: 1) whereby schools and universities are termed as Temples of learning. The new policy failed to engage with relevant literature and previous policy documents (Venkatraraman, 2016). It is viewed in Skepticism by many people that the new education policy document was given mostly to retired bureaucrats rather than the educationist, academic experts (Panda, 2016). These whole questions of un-clarity in the new education policy 2016 revealed itself the hidden agenda of the regressive right wing political ruling party.

Conclusion:

the Indian education system particularly in reference with the school education; for that matters RTE seems lacking commitment in its policy orientation and implementation without really underlying the complexities and needs of the ground reality. Right to education was bold enough at the policy level however even after 7 years of implementation, only 9% are in compliance with the RTE norms and provision which means there exist a unnoticed fundamental gap/issues between the policy orientation and contextual ground reality. And this was least concerned and revealed in the new education policy drafted in 2016. The basic concerns and issues largely remained unadressed and the new policies are absurdly more driven by Educratic and bureaucratic recommendations and commitments which may have a least impact.

In a Midst of all this prevailing complexities; achievements and failures, the worrying situation is brutalizing the essence of education by the political ideologies and motives. It is undeniably true of a claim that Indian education system is politically governed rather than the educationally governed. The remarks of Delhi deputy chief minister “Textbook should not not be an ideological battleground between Right and Left, it should be design to suit the need of the children” is such a remark of a prevailing context. The ultimate aim of education as achieving national goals and maintaining national identity, which is again obscurantize in Hindu realms of construction violating the very nature of diversity which actually drives India and democracy’ needs to deconstruct and aim to produce a rational, critical and creative citizens for realization of National Development Goals.

Disclaimer: The Arek do not claim ownership of this article. 

For the reference: Somingam.PS. (2018). Prevailing Questions of ‘RTE’ & Emerging Contentions In The Educational Policy Discourse. Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies and Actions, Vol 4, Pp45-54.

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Therapeutic potentials of Houttuynia cordata Thunb. against inflammation and oxidative stress: A review

By: Kachanchuila Shingaisui et al

Abstract

Houttuynia cordata Thunb. (Family: Saururaceae) (Ngayung in Tangkhul Language) is an herbaceous perennial plant that grows in moist and shady places. The plant is well known among the people of diverse cultures across Japan, Korea, China and North-East India for its medicinal properties. Traditionally the plant is used for its various beneficial properties against inflammation, pneumonia, severe acute respiratory syndrome, muscular sprain, stomach ulcer etc.

Oxidative stress and inflammation were found to be linked with most of the diseases in recent times. Many ancient texts from Chinese Traditional medicine, Ayurveda and Siddha, and Japanese Traditional medicine have documented the efficacy of H. cordata against oxidative stress and inflammation.

Keywords

Houttuynia cordata Thunb, Inflammation, Oxidative stress Therapy

Aim of the Study

This review aims to provide up-to-date and comprehensive information on the efficacy of H. cordata extracts as well as its bioactive compounds both in vitro and in vivo, against oxidative stress and inflammation

Source: Wikipedia (Ngayung in Tangkhul Language)

Materials and Methods

Relevant information on H. cordata against oxidative stress and inflammation were collected from the established scientific databases such as NCBI, Web of Science, ScienceDirect, Elsevier, and Springer.   Additionally, a few books and magazines were also consulted to get the important information.

Results

Herbal medicines or plant products were traditionally being used for treating the oxidative stress and inflammation related diseases in diverse communities across the world. Scientifically, H. cordata has shown to target several signaling pathways and found to effectively reduce the oxidative stress and inflammation. Phyto-constituents such as afzelin, hyperoside, and quercitrin have shown to reduce inflammation both in vitro and in vivo models. These molecules were also shown to have strong antioxidant properties both in vivo and in vitro models.

Conclusions

H. cordata extracts and its bioactive molecules were shown to have both anti-inflammatory and anti-oxidative properties. As both in vitro and in vivo studies were shown that H. cordata did not have any toxicity on the various model systems used, future clinical studies will hopefully make an impact on the future direction of treating inflammation-related diseases.

Graphical abstract

Disclaimer: The Arek do not claim ownership of this article. 

For the reference: Shingnaisui, K., Dey, T., Manna, P., & Kalita, J. (2018). Therapeutic potentials of Houttuynia cordata Thunb. against inflammation and oxidative stress: A review. Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 220, 35–43.

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Y.K. Shimray’s Poem ‘Tangkhul Ngalei’ – National Anthem

By: AS Shimreiwung

The poem Tangkhul Ngalei written by Y.K. Shimray’s has remained as one of the canonical works in Tangkhul literature. It has been popularly known for paying hefty tribute to Tangkhul’s life and identity. It is performed as an anthem during important occasions. This poetry was being used as a school textbook, that was included in Y.K Shimray’s poetry book Tangkhul Poetry: Book 1 reprinted in 1978-79.  Most of the Tangkhuls will find that the verse of this poetry is in Khokharum Laa ( Tangkhul hymn book) and mostly used by Baptist denomination, with the title ‘National Anthem’. It appears that these three verses  were originally written as poetry and make into hymn later on. 

The poem represents Tangkhul’s identity, culture, and social position that is not exposed to the outsider, as Shimreiwung (2014) stated “the significance of Y.K. Shimray’s  Tangkhul Ngalei lies in finding the place of Tangkhul’s identity in the universe of social condition marked by cultural diversity and wider exposure to the outside world, a time different from the past generations where the community had no encountered people from other cultures, especially the West”. 

The first verse of this poetry marks the identity and status of Tangkhuls in a modernist’s vision as reproduced below:

Kaphungtungli dolan sada.

Awon eina sari shaksai.

Kathar masi khanim ura;

Nawui naobing kalamahai.

(English free translation)

Palace built on mountain.

Dressed in flowers.

Fresh wind swirls around;

Your children are blessed.

The geography and wealth of Tangkhul are coming to the fore in this verse, where the author has indeed marked out the territory of Tangkhul country in the first line. The first stanza of this verse has distinctly stated that Tangkhuls are hill-men; they live in high mountains, which is a direct reference to the actual habitation choice of Tangkhul villagers. Further, the use of the word ‘dolan’, which can be translated as ‘palace’, high rise building, or storey house, indicates wealth and modernity. This term as not commonly used in folksongs or folktales; even if it used it  was in reference to the deity’s palace or Meitei maharaja’s residence in the Valley and not in references to common housing patterns of the Tangkhuls. If we look into the decade when this poetry may have been written, specifically the living conditions of Tangkhul during the 1960s and 1970s, it was an era marked by drastic changes in their standards of life. Historically, during this period, Tangkhuls had started to build a highrise house, or at least double storey buildings and relegates the old housing style. The context clearly shows references to modern living conditions of the Tangkhuls. Metaphorically, the term ‘dolan’ has also been used here to venerate the Tangkhuls as a wealthy community, which implicitly would also mean that Tangkhuls now are living in equal terms with the raja in the valley and deity’s of yore.

In the second stanza, flowers being used as metaphor for dressing patterns of the Tangkhuls have to do with wealth again. But, if we flowers for further relations with actual practices, Tangkhuls did use flowers forest trees in headgear for males, and also during Luira Phanit (Seed Sowing festival) flowers have intrinsic relations with festivities, which of course have been changing over time. The third and fourth stanzas have been changing over time. The third and fourth stanzas have indirect reference to nature and land of the Tangkhuls; looking into the punctuation styles, these two stanzas have been connected as one as well. Reference to ‘fresh winds’ clearly indicate the unpolluted natural habitations and forest in Tangkhul country.. However, the guardian of Tangkhuls has been ambiguous presented here, remaining as silent overseer; which the guardian is undoubtedly the ‘land’ of the Tangkhul country. But, the god, and not just as guardian in literal sense or symbolic reference. Deification of land and forest was not uncommon in traditional belief systems of the Tangkhuls, and in folksongs and folktales there were extensive reference to such notions, but here it may have certain elements of Chritian pantheon being projected in veiled manner. However, the true benefactor and main emphasis in these narratives is the Tangkhuls, ‘who live in palaces on high mountains’ ‘dressed in flowers’, and breathe ‘fresh air’. They have been projected as being ‘blessed’ and living happily in the laps of their loving guardian motherland.

The third verse in Tangkhul Ngalei further puts the Tangkhul in the highest position, of being at the top in everything. It can be considered as a ‘dream’ about the future, and artistic imaginations that have much to do with surrealistic images, rather the real situations.

Kaphung nawui chuimeithui

Horchamri yirkhamayei!

Nanaobingla chuimeithura

Leiyachingra tekhamatei!

(English free translation)

Your mountains are highest.

Bright and harmonious!

Your children will be tallest

Glory will remain forever!

The expressions being made and showered upon the Tangkhuls here indicate that this poetry is an ode to the land. The lines here are filled with comparisons in terms of height and glory, which the author has tried to exemplify land its children in tallest order. There appears to be no indirect connection, and an attempt to create semblance between land and people, when the authors described the mountains in Tangkhul country being the ‘highest’, and proclaiming their children will be ‘tallest’. It is not just a matter of stature between  the two, but an elevation of the community at the top order, making a proud claim that Tangkhuls and their land is higher than others. Then, there are the superfluous venerations of its glory, which no comparison and remaining in eternal state. It is indirectly a reference to the notions were common or popular in folktales, it must have come through the Christian ideas and texts as the author himself was a devout Christian like others converted Tangkhuls.

The fourth and last verse of Tangkhul Ngalei ends with the thumping assertion of Tangkhuls being the centre of the universe, and the land where all things begin. From the present context such claim, even if it is in artistic representation, may seem a little far fetched, but we also need to look into the context to make sense of such imaginations.

Kathemla haophok khavai ram.

Kahorla shophok khavai pam.

Nawui eina haophoksera.

Tangkhul Ngalei, Ishava Ram!

(English free translation)

Land where knowledge began.

Place where lights arise.

Everything begins from you.

Tangkhuls Land, My MotherLand!

In these lines, where the status of Tangkhuls is being constructed as being the beginning of all things in the ‘universe’, the claims made by the author about the ‘honour’ of the tribe may seem superfluous from contemporary points of view. However, looking into the context when this poem was written, the expressions here are based on certain historical circumstances that have happened during the colonial period. If we take the princely state of Manipur during the colonial as a ‘universe in itself’, then the superfluous claims being made here will make sense. The Tangkhul were the first were also the first community to be converted to Chritianity. The metaphor, ‘Beginning’ of light and ‘knowledge’ is in direct reference to these historical facts in Manipur’s past. Geographically, Ukhrul district is located in the eastern side of Manipur. So seen from the other parts of Manipur, it is the place where the ‘sun rise’, in view of which the author maybe making reference to this as well. The final assertion ‘ Tangkhul Land, My Mother Land’ is the culmination of every emotion being described, and presented in the above stanzas. 

The imagination of Tangkhul as ‘beginning’ of everything, and as a singular body is something that was absent in the oral narratives. Without much ado about the diversities that are apparent to any observer, Y.K Shimray made the astounding narration in written form about the life and identity of the Tangkhul as it has never into an ‘anthem’ and becoming part of Hymn book reserved for another testament to the fact that the readers and literate Tangkhuls have honoured such narratives as being sacred. The focal point has been ‘land’ being personified as ‘guardian’, ‘deity’, and finally declared as ‘mother’. Rootedness to one’s native place and deriving the ‘unity’ out of such is not uncommon in other cultures or patriotic songs. 

Disclaimer: The Arek do not claim ownership of this article.

This article is excerpt from: 

Shimreiwung, A. S. (2014). Print Culture and the Rise of Identity Consciousness in Oral Society: Trajectories in Conception of Community Identity in Tangkhul in Tangkhul Literature. In Encountering Modernity Situating the Tangkhul Nagas in Perspective. New Delhi: Chicken Neck.

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